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National Union Executive Committee, ^ 

■ '' // 

THE PROCEEDIiSrGS 



National Union Conyentioii 

Held at Philadeiphia, August 14, 1866. 



Cmnpiled aud printed by order of the following resolution, offered by the Horr. 

Bevbedy JoHysox, of Maryland, and passed unanin;ousIy : 

• Resolved, That a full and correct Copy of the Proceedings of. this Contention be pre- 
pared by E. O. rtiK^e^^,' Secretary, anav';^^rti:ied by the President, for publication by 
lite Resident Executive Committee at Washington. 



FIRST DAY. 

Tflti National Uwion Cokvestion met at 12 o'clock, Tuesday, Augu.jt 14, 18(36", pur- 
suant to call, Hon. A. W. Randall, of Wisconsin, »t precisely 12, roie aud said : 

The meeting will now come to order. For the purpose of the temporary organization 
of this Convention, I propose the name of Greneral John A. Bix, of New York, as 
chaiMnan. [Cheers.] 

The proposition was received w^h unanimous acclamation. General John A. Dix 
oame forward and said : 

SPEECH OF GENEKAIi DIX. 

Gendernen of the Cov.vciiUon and FeUow-Cilizenx of the Whole i'liion — [Apphiu.'j : ' 

I return you my sincere thanks for the honor you liave done me in choosiug il!*' to 
preside temporarily over your deliberations. I regard it as a di.stinction of no ordiu.ry 
character, not only oi: account of the high jiersoual and political standing of tho gen'ie- 
men who compose this Convention, but because it is a Couvention of the people of all 
the Stattjs of this Union [cheers,] and because we cannot doubt that, if its i«-oceedings 
are eonducted with harmony and good judgment, it will lead to the most imi^ortant 
results. It may be truly said that no body of men has met on this continent under 
«ircurr.stan?es so momentous and so delicate since the year 1787 — the year when our 
ancestors assembled in this city to frame a better government for the States which 
were parti"^ to the old Confederation — a government which has been confirmed aud 
made more enduring, as we trust, by the fearful trials and perils which it has encoun- 
tered and overcome. The Constitution which they came here ta plan and construct, we 
are here to "indicate and restorf. [Cheers.] We are here to assort the supremacy of rep- 
resentative government over all who are within the confines or the I nioa — a govern- 
ment which cannot, without a violation of its fundhmentnl principle, lie extended over 
any but those who art represented in it [loud applause] — over tliose who, by virtue of 
that representation, are entitled to n voice in the administration of the public aii'airs, 
[Renewed applause.] It was such a Government our fathers framed and i)ut iu opera- 
tion. It is the' Gov^-rnmoBt which wc are bound by every consideration cf fidelity, 
jitstiee, and good faith to defend and maintain. [Cheers.] 

GentlerTiftn, we are not livinL; under such a Government. [Aj^plause and cries of 
"That is f rue."' J Thirty-six State.'? have for mouth.s been governed by twenty-five — 
eleven Stivte,; hare t-eeu wholly without representation in tho legislative body of the 
nation; the iminerica': proportion of. the representttd States to the unrex>re.sented has 
jiist been changed by tlie admission o: the delegates fron. Tennessee — a unit talc^n 
from the smailt-r and added to the lajrger number. Ten States are still denied the 
representation in Congress to which they are entitled under tlie Constitution. It is 
this wrong wliich we hare come here to prote.st against, and, as far as lies in us, to 
r^drssfj. [Great applause.] Wh-jn tho President of t^-} 'United States declared that 



^.V n 



armed resistance to Inc authority of" be 



Union was over, all the States had a rigbt 
to be represented in the national legislature. [Loud cheering.] They had the rigixt 
under the CouHtitntion. Tliey had the right tinder reBolutioH:^ passed hy both Houses 
of Cougreri:; in I'^'Jl. Those resdliiliouj; were not concurrent, but they were substan- 
tially identical. Moreover, the States were entitled to be so represented on other 
j:rouud.«i of fairness and good faith. The President, not in pur^'ua^C(• of any Constitu- 
tional powtT, had called on the confederated t>tates to accept cerlain csnditions for 
tlieir admission to the exercise of their legitimate functions as members of the Union — 
the ratification of the amendments to the Constitution abolisliiug slavery andVhe repu- 
diation of the debts contracted to overthrow tin- Government. Tliese conditions were 
met and accepted. The exaction of new conditions is unjust, a violation of tlie faith 
of the Governuu'nt, subversive of the principles of our political system, and dangerous 
U) the public prosperity and peace. [Applause.] Each House of Congress may, as 
the judge of the qualifications of its own member-, reject individuals for just cause ; 
but the two bodies, acting conjointly, cannot exclude entire delegations without an 
unwarrantable assumption of power. [Applau.-e.] Congress has not only done this ; 
it ha5 gone farther, it has incorporated new conditions into amendments to the Con- 
stitution, and submitted them for the ratification of the States. There is no probability 
that these amendments will be ratified by three-fourths of the States. To insist o» 
the conditions they contain is to prolong indefinitely the exclusion of more than one- 
fourth of the States from representation in Congress. [Applatise.] Is this the Govern- 
ment our fathers fought to establish? [Cries of "No, nol"] Is this the Union we 
have been fighting to preserve ? ["No, nol"] The President has done all in his 
power to correct this wrong [applau.-e,] and to restore the legislative body to its full 
proportions, by giving all the members of the Union their proper share in the Public 
Councils. [Cheers.] Legislation withov .eprescntatibn~ [^ an anomaly under our 
political system. Under any other form of government it w^f^uld be but another name 
for usurpation and misrule. And the President is entitled to the thanks of tlie country 
for his firmness in opposing a policy so illiberal, so demoralizing, and so directly at 
war with every principle of our pnlitical organization. 

I have referred to the condition -of the legislative body under the aspects of right on 
the one hand and duty on the other — the right of the States to be represented and tlie- 
duty of Congress to receive tlieir representatives. On the score of policy, nothing 
can be more unwise than to prolong the present anomalous relation of the States to 
each other. It is calcuhited to embitter on both sides animosities and resentments 
which it is our duty, by all just measures, to sooth and heal. It disturbs the action 
of the Government ; it deranges the application^if capital and labor ; it impedes the de- 
velopment of our resources ; it impairs our credit and our good name at home and 
•abroad ; and it retards the march of the country to prosperity and power. 

Gentlemen, I trust that in our deliberations here we shall confine ourselves to one 
main purpose — that of redressing the wrong to which I liave referred. There is much 
in tke administration of the Government wliich needs amendment — some things to be 
done, ami others to be undone. There are coumiercial and financial reforms which 
aje indisijensable to the public welfare. But we shall not have the power to carry them 
out until we change the political complexion of Congress. [Enthusiastic and long 
continued applause.] This should be our first, our immediate aim. It id in the 
Congressional districts that the vital contest is to tak*^ place. The control o: one 
branch of Congress will enable us to prevent partial, unjust, and pernicious legis- 
lation. The control of both Houses, with the power to introduce and carry out salutary 
reform.*, to "bring the Government back," in the language of Jetlersou, "to the re- ' 
publican tack," will come later. [Cheers.] But., with wi-i", liarmonious, and ju- 
dicious action on our i)art, and on the j)ait of tliose we reji'^s-nt, this need not be long 
delayed. [Appluuse.] I believe that public opinion i> right, and that it is only neces- 
sary to present to the people clearly the issues between us and the ultraism which 
controls the ai.tion of Congress. And, gentlemen, is not the object for which we 
are contending a consummation worthy of our highest and most devoted eflforts ? — 
to bring l>ack the Republic, purified and strtmglhened by the fiery ordeal through 
which it has padsed to its ancient' prosperity and ]M)wer [applause] — to present to the 
world an example worthy of imit^ition, not a mere Utopian vision of a good Govern- 
ment, but tlie grand old reality of the better times [applau.se] with which the memory 
of our fatlu■r.■^, tlo" re> oll(^ctions of th'^ past, and a!! our hopes of the future, .ire in- 
separably entwined [cheers] — vnc ci'unlri/, on- jicj, one C^nion of equal SicUe.'i ■' [Long 
continued applause.] 

The remarks of General Dix were re:*ived with great entha.^ia^m. H^ w.'t.-< fr^ 
Cfuently interrupted by chp>ers. At the conJu^on ef his remajlcs the cheering wa^ 
tremendous and long continued. 

Gunora.' Di.\ then •'aid : It i'^ proposed to i>p<^n the pro^weding^ of the Couvcution with 



prayer. Ho then iatrodaced Rev. R. N. McDonald, wh.0 aiade thefoliowing prayer, tke 
audience reverently standing : 

THE OPEJSTSO PEAYKR. 

O Lqrd, high and iniglity Ruler of the Univerae, we, Thy dependent and needy crea- 
tures, humbly draw near to Thee in the name of Thy beloved Son, sur Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ. Have mercy on us according to Thy loving kindness : accord- 
ing to the multitude of Thy tender mercies blot out our transgressions. We bless Thy 
most high and holy name for the innumerable mercies Thou hast in Tliy loving kind- 
ness bestowed on us as a Christian people. We bless Thee for the establishment and 
maintenance here of religious and civil liberty, and especially, Lord, do we praise 
Thee for the interposition of Thy power in our behalf in the late troubles which have 
been peomitted to become upon our beloved country. We bless Thee that Thou hast 
brought to an end the fearful struggle in which the nation has been engaged, and that 
the Union has been preserved. Verily Thou art a God that doeth wonders. Thou. 
canst make the wrath of man praise Thee, and Thou canst restrain the power thereof. 
We thank Thee that Thou hast put it in the hearts of Thy servants here present to 
assemble from various parts of our land to consult for the public good ; and now, 
Most Mighty and Most Holy, let Thy blessing rest upon this Convention. May Thy 
servants meet together as brothers and friends. Help them to lay aside all selfish 
motives, all unworthy personal and sectional considerations ; enlighten their counsels ; 
guide them in ail their deliberations, so that the Union of the States may be fully 
restored and may be renderea perpetual. Restore their prosperity as at the first, and 
their peace and fraternity as at the beginning. Bless the country in all its interests ; 
in its agriculture, in its commerce, and in the mechanical arts ; in its churches, and 
in its religious and benevolent institutions. Avert from us, we beseech Thee, the 
pestilence that walketh in darkness, and the destruction that wasteth at noon-tide, ami 
all the judgments which our sins deserve. And, most merciful God, our Heavenly 
Father, we beseech Thee to manifest Thine especial favor upon Thy servant, the 
President of the Unitefl States. May his health and life be precious in Thy sight. 
Make him a great and lasting blessing to the country over which, in Thy wonderful 
and adorable providenre, he has been called to bear rule. Bless his constitutional 
advisers ; gird him with wisdom and strength in every emergency. We pray, 
Lord, that he may be a just ruler in the fear of God, even as the light of the morning 
when the sun ariseth — a morning without clouds — and as the tender grass springing 
from the earth after rain ; and especially, Lord, wilt Thou crown tJie efforts of Thy 
servant in maintaining the Union of these States inviolate under the Constitution 
•established by our fathers. Bless all nations and their rulers. Let the Gospel bfl 
preached abroad. Thy kingdom come everywhere. Let oppression disappear among 
men. Let righteousness and peace reign ov(y the whole earth. These are our peti- 
tions ; these are our requests : Lord, hear ; Lord, forgive ; Lord, hearken and 
aid for his sake, our Great Redeemer, who hath taught us to ,say, Our Father who art 
in Heaven, hallowed be Thy navae ; Thy kingdora come ; Thy will be done on earth as 
it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us ouv trespasses as we 
forgive those that ti-espass against us. Lead us not into temptation, but deliver us 
from evil : for Thine is the kingdom, the power, and glorj', forever. Amen. 

During *h..- delivery of the prayer the word amen was uttered fre.^ueutly, with, deep 
reverence, in varloui parts of the house. 

Et:«>LaTI0>' TO APrOINT .\ COMMrrrEE ox CB£r>EKTIiLS. 

GKiVSRAi, Stkedwak. I have a resolution to offer providing for tU? appoiatraent of a 
conuitittee on the credentials of delegates to this Convention. 

* TI^MPORASY .^.ECRETAK'KS. 

Hon. A. W. Ra>':\ll, Before that resolution i.-^ put I iHg it^av-i to propose the roilo\r- 
ing appointments of temporary secretaries to the Convention : E,. 6. Pubrin, of New 
V'ork; A. R. Ports, of Pennsylvania ; .John F. Coyle, of District of Columbia ; ' *..ymn B. 
O'BBiBarE, of Distri.;t of Coluuvbia. 

The Chaikwan. llie call for this Convention will cow h'^ read ; 

THE CALt FOE THE COHYBSTIOS . 

A MATioNAi Usiox CosrviNTiON. of at least two dfr'Tgate<i from each Congroseional 
Diatriot of all the States, two from fach Territory, two frora the District of Columbia, 
and four d-^egate? at large from ea;-h State, will be held a?, thf city of PhiLO'l.elr.hia on 
Uv» second Tuesday ( 14tfa; of August next. 

SucTi (i«l/:ga<vs ttVI. be ,;hosea by the electors of 'Axs se^^er^ii ij+.aU« who .sa.st.vin tba 



4 
I 

Administration in maintaining unbroken the Union of tlio States under the Constitn - 
tion wliicli our fathers established, and who agree in tlie following propositions, viz : 

The Union of th" States is, in every case, indissolnble, and is perpetual ; and the 
Constitution of tlu^ United States, and the laws passed by Congress in pursuance 
thereof, sujn'onie, and constant, and univiTsal in tlieir obligation; 

The riglits, the dignity, and tin; e<|uality of the Stat.s in the Union, inelud'^ng the 
right of repr<'S*'ntalion in Congress, are solemnly guaranteed by that Constitution, to- 
save which from ovcrtlirow so much blood and treasure were expended in the iate 
civil war ; 

There is no right, anywliL-re, to dissolve the Union, or to separate States from the 
Union, either by voluntary withdrawal, by force of arms, or by Congressional action ; 
ueither by the secession of the States, nru- by the exclusion of th»Mr loyal and qualified 
representatives, nor by the National Government in any other form ; 

Slavery is abolislied, and neither can, nor ought to be re-established in any State or 
Territory within our jurisdiction ; 

Each State has the undoubted right tO prescribe the qualitications oi its owii 
electors, and no external power rightfully can, or ought to, dictate, control, or influ- 
ence the free and voluntary action of the States in the exercise of that right ; 

The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially of the right ol 
each State to order and control its own domestic concerns, according to its own judg- 
ment exclusively, subject only to the Constitution of the United St.ates, is essential to- 
that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de- 
pend, and the overthrow of that system by the usurpation and centralization of power 
in Congress would be a revolution, dangerous to republican gov'^rnment uud destruc- 
tive of liberty. 

Each House of Congress is made, by the ConstitntioVi, the sole judgp of the electiojisj 
returns, and r^ualifications of its members ; but the exclusion of loyal Senators and 
Representatives, properly chosen and ^ualilied under the Constitution and laws, is un- 
just and revolutionary. 

Every patriot should frown upon all those acts and proceedin-gs everywhere, which 
can serve no otlier purpose than to rekindle the animosities of war, and the effect ol 
which upon our moral, social, and material interests at home, and upon our standing 
abroad, differing only in degree, is injurious like war itself. 

The purpose of the war having been to preserve the Union and Constitution by put- 
ting down the rebellion, and the rebellion having been suppressed, all resistance to the 
authority of the (tcneral Government being at an end. and the war having ceased, war 
measures should also cease, aud should be followed by measuTes of peacefnl adminis- 
tration, so that union, harmony, and concord may be encouraged, and industry, com- 
merce, and the arts of peace revived and promoted : and the early restoration ol all the 
States to the exercise of their constitutional powers in tlie National iToverument is in- 
dispensably necessary to the strength and the defence of th» Repxiblic, and to the 
maintenance of the public credit. 

All such electors in the thirty-si ji^States and nine Territories of tlie United St^ttes, 
aud in the District of Columbia, who, in a spirit of patriotism and love for the Union, 
can rise above personal and sectional consi(lfrations, and who desire to see a truly 
National Union Convention, which '^hall represent all the States and Territories of the 
Union, assemble, as friends and biothers, under the national flag, to hold oounBel 
together upon tlie stale of the Union, ami to' take measures to avert possible danger 
from the same, are sjiecially requested to take part in the choice"6f such delegates. 

But no delegate will take a seat in sucli Convention who does not loyally aocept the 
national situation and cordially endorse the principles above set forth, and who Ic not 
attached, in true allegiance, to the Coustiti-ttion, the Uuion, and the GovernineiU of 
the United States. 

Wasuixgton, J line 21, 18(?C. 

A. W. RANDALL. .JV.>,rtw.I. 
.J. R. l)'>i»LlTTLK. 
0. H. KROW.N'ING, 
EPGAR (^OWAN, 
CHARLES KNAP,. 
SAMUEL FOWLER, 
Exettitivc Covi'u^ite' Nationizl Uutou Mub. 

We recommend the holding of the above Convention, aud endorse the call tbercfor 

TANIEL S. NORTON, ■ 
.). W. NE8M1TU, 
■. JAilKS UIXON, 
T. A. HENDRICKS. 



ORDEK OF BUSINESS. 

Hon. J. R. DooLiTTLE. — Witli the leave of tlie gentleman from Ohio, and before the- 
motion is put on his resolution to appoint a committee on credentials, I ask leave to- 
submit two resolutions, which have reference to the order of business in this Conven- 
tion. The first resolution which I offer, with his leave, will he this : 

Resolved, That, until otherwise ordered, the general rules of the House of Represen- 
tatives of the United States, so far as applicable, govern the proceedftigs of this Con- 
vention, and, until otlierwisc ordered, in case any question shall arise to be determined, 
by a division, or by the ayes and noes, the Secretary shall call the roll of all the- 
States and Territories of the United States and the District of Columbia. Each State, 
as called, shall be entitled to cast double the number of votes to which it is entitled in' 
the electoral college, as its delegation shall direct ; and each Territory, and also the 
District of Columbia, shall be entitled to cast two votes, as their several delegations 
'shall direct. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Ron. J. R. DooLiTTLE. — 1 desire also to submit the following resolution : 

Resolved, That all resolutions and propositions not relating to the organization of the 
Convention, be referred by the Chair to the Committee on Resolutions, hereafter to be 
appointed, without debate ; and that all. ivsolutious, propositions, and questions rela- 
ting to the right or claim of any person to a seat in the Convention, be referred by 
the Chair to the Committee oi! Credentials, hereaftor to be appointed, without debate; 
and that iintil the appointment of such committee they do lie upon the table, without 
debate. 

This resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

The Secretary then read the resolution offered by Greneral Stcedman, as follows : 

Resolved, That a committee of thirteen be appointed by the Chair as a committee on 
credentials. 

This resolution was unanimously adopted. 

FERMANENT OltGAKIZATIOK. 

Eon. Montgomery Blaik. — I wish to offer the following resolution, providing for tbe 
permanent organization of this Convention : 

Resolved, That a committee of one from each State be appointed by the Chair to re- 
port officers for the permanent organization of the Convention. 

H'on. Thomas B. Flokexce. — It strikes me, sir, inasmuch as there is great misappre- 
hension as to the character of the delegations to this body, that the Secretary be 
requested to read the circular issued over the signature of .Judge Blair and others, 
known as the " Blair-Campbel? Circular," inviting the cooperation of Democrats, as 
such, in this body. It seems to me that if there was any significance in reading the 
original call, the supplementary call is quite as important to remove any misappre- 
hension that may occur as to the position we may ocoupy. I suggest that it b» read. 

The Chairman. — If there is no objection, it will be read. 

It was tlien read, as follows : 

THE COKORESSIONAL ADDRESS. 

To the People of the Untied States : 

Dangers threaten. The Constitution — the citadel of our liberties — is directly assaBed. 
Tlie future is dark, unless the people will come to the rescue. 

In this hour of peril National Union siiould be the watchword of every true man. 

As essential to National Union, we must maintain unimpaired the rights, the dig- 
nity, and the equality of the State?, including the rigl;.t of representation in Congress, 
and the exclusive right of each State to control its own domestic concerns, subject oflly 
to the Constitution of the United States. 

After a uniform cxjnstruction of the Constitution for more than half a century, the 
assumption of new and arbitrary powers in the Fe^ieral Government is subversive of 
our system and destructive of liberty. 

A free interchange of opinion and kind feeling between the (Citizens of all the States 
is necessary to the perpct-aity of the Union. At present eleven States are excluded 
trom the National Council. For seven long months the present Congress has persist- 
ently denied any right of representation to the people of these States. Laws, alficting 
their highest and dearest interests, have been passed without their oonsent, and in 
disregard of the fundamental principle of free Government. This denial of representa- 
tioc hag been made to all the mombers from a State, although the State, in the language 



of tile President, "prttciita itself, uot oulyiu an attkuile , of loyalty aud harmony, but ia 
the persons of rfpres'jntativct- wliose loyalty cannot be quudtioned under any existing 
constitutional or le;:al test." The represeutativcs of nearly oue-third of the States 
have not been consulted with reference to the great questions of the day. There liaa 
been no nationality surrounding the present Congress. There has been no intercourse 
between the representatives of the two sections, producing mutual confidenee and 
respect. In tin- language of the distinguished Lieutenant-General, "It is to be 
regretted that, at this time, there cannot be a greater commingling between the 
citizens of the two sections, and particularly those entrusted with the law-making 
power." This state of things should be removed at once and forever. 

Therefore, to preserve the National Union, to vindicate the supremacy of our admi- 
rable Constitution, to guard the States from covert attempts to deprive them of their 
true position in the Union, and bring together those who arcunnaturally severed, and 
for these gviT.t national purposes only, we cordially approve the call for a National 
Union Convention, to be held at the city of Philadelphia, on the second Tuesday C14t!h j 
of August next, and endorse the principles therein set forth. 

We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly, urge upon our fellow-citizens in each 
State, and Twaitory, and Congressional District of the United States, in the interest of 
Union and in a spirit of harmony, and with direct reference to the principles contained 
in said call, to act promptly in the selection of wise, moderate, and conservative men 
to represent them in said Convpntion, to the end that all States shall at once be 
restored to their practical relations to the Union, the Constitution maintained, and 
ppace bless the whole country. 

W. E. Niblack, Reverdy Johnson, 

Anthony Thornton, Thoma.s A. Hendricks, 

Michael C. Kerr, Wm. Wright, 

G. S. Shanklin, James Guthrie, 

Garrett Davis, J. A. McDougall, 

H. Glider, Wm. Radford, 

Thomas E. Noell, S. b. Marshall, 

Sam'I J. Randall, Myer Strouse. 

Lewis W. Ross, "Chad. Sitgreaves, 

Stephen Tabor, S. E. Ancona, 

J. M. Humphreys, E. N. Hubbell, 

.I-ohn Hogau, B. C. Ritter, 

B. M. Boyer, A. Harding, 

Tennis Q. Bergen, A. J. Glasdbrenner, 

Chas. Goodyear, E. R. V. Wright, 

Chas. H. Wiufield, A. J. Rogers, 

A. H. Coffroth, H. McCuUough, 

Lovell H. Roua.:eau, F. C. Le Blond, 

Philip Johnson, W. E. I'inck, 

Chas. A. Eldridge, L. S. Trimble. 

.John L. Dawson, 
Washington, July 4, 1866. 

Col. Thomab B. Florence. I have no objection to that, but it is uot the one I referred 
to. I mean the circular issued over the signatures of Governor Randail and Jcdga 
Blair. 

The CuAiEMAN. It is not in the possession of the S-.-crctary. 

Mr. Florexciv, (handing a paper to the Secretary.) That is the paper to which I 
allude. That is a very patriotic paper, and there can be no earthly objection to read- 
ing it : .and I ask, that after reaiiing the other, the Secretary may also read this wbii.-h I 
have pres.'nted. A paper which has met the response of so many persons her-, and 
has j)i»t with -I'll universal approval, cannot do any harm to this Convention. 
'J'he cireulai- presetited by Mr. Florence was then read by the Secretary as follows : 

SUPFLEilKXTARY CIRCULAR. 

Washington, D. C, July 10, IStfJ. 

\ij:ic ;w.i....;.u'..- ikivl . ;uuL-r.t attention is invited to the annexed call for a National 
Cxinventiou, I.-.^uod by the National Union Executive Committee, and tho accompanying 
en lorri<'m<'Ut thereof by ] rominent gentlemen who are well known to the countfy. 

The und^!r^ i>,'ned have been duly appointed a committee to facilitate and expedite, 
by corrcsi^ond.nce and otherwise, such action a.? may seem nesessary to bring together 
at Philndi'lphia a convention of the abl^-st men of the nation, without regard to theii" 
party antecedents, who favor, generally, the reatoration jK)licy President Johiwon 
\i&p advocated ngainst the dangerous course pursued by the majority of C<»»gT«:\is% 



: 7 

We deem it proper to suggest that it is desirable that there he sent from each State- 
four delegates at large and two from each Congressional district who favor the prin- 
ciples set forth in the call, to be taken from the supporters of Lincoln and Johnson in 
1664, and a like number from their opponents. Also, four delegates from each Terri- 
tory, and four from the District of Columbia. In those States whereof a portion of the 
people were lately in rebellion, a corresponding number of delegates may be chosen by 
the people generally, who accept the principles stated in the call. It is not intended, 
however, that these suggestions shall interfere with any arrangements already made 
for the selection of delegates. It is left entirely to the political organizations in the 
different States and districts tliat occur in the principles of the call to decide whether 
they will choose their delegates by joint or separate meetings, or by their executive 
committees. 

We have been authorized to appoint temporary executive committees in the States 
where the same are presumed to be necessary. You are, therefore, requested to act as 
such committee, and to adopt immediate measures to secure a full delegation to the 
proposed Convention, not interfering, however, with the action which existing organi- 
zations may have taken for the same object. Your action will be such as to aid such 
movements — the purpose of your appointment being to provide for the selection of 
delegates if no adequate preliminary arrangements have yet been made. 

The day fixed for the National Convention is near, and we desire to impress on you 
and all friends of this cause, that it is of the first importance that District or State 
Conventions, or State Executive Committees, immediately appoint delegates. And it 
is particularly requested that a list of delegates and committees appointed be speedily 
forwarded to the Chairman of this Committee. 

In conclusion, we have to add that the paramount object of this movement is to bring 
into a great National Conference from all parts of our distracted country wise and pa- 
triotic men, who may devise a plan of political action calculated to restore national' 
unity, fraternity, and harmony, and secure to an afflicted people that which is so sin- 
cerely desired by all good men — the practical blessings of an enduring peace. 

ALEX. W. RANDALL, 
LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, 
MONTGOMERY BLAIR. 

The Secretary then read the appointments made on the Committees on Credentials- 
and on Organization. They are as follows :. 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Jambs B. Steedman, Ohio, Chairman; N. D. Coleman, Louisiana; Thomas Hoyne,, 
Illinois ; Charles P. Daly, New York; David Kilgore, Indiana; -J. B. Campbell, South' 
Carolina; A. Hyatt Smith, Wisconsin; Geo. M. Ives, Connecticut; B. H. Epperson, 
Texas ; E. W. Pierce, Massachusetts ; Ashbel Green, New Jersey ; James McEerreU; 
Missouri ; John R. Franklin, Maryland. 

COMMITTEE ON OKGAKIZATION 

Eon. Montgomery Blaik, Maryland, Chairman ; Nathaniel S. Little, Maine ; E. A. Hib 
bard. New Hampshire ; J. J. Deavitt, Vermont ; E. A. Alger, Massachusetts ; A. Ballon, 
Rhode Island ; Loren P. Waido, Connecticut ; Hon. W. H. Ludlow, New York; Hon. 
Joel Parker, New Jersey ; lion. H. W. Tracy, Pennsylvania ; Joseph M. Barr, Dela- 
ware ; Thomas S. Flournoy, Virginia ; John J. Thompson, West Virginia ; W. A. 
Wright, North Carolina ; i'. N. Dawkins, South Carolina ; Porter Ingram, Florida ; 
James B. Dawkins, Georgia , Hon. J. F. Bailey, Mississippi ; J. G. Parham, Louisiana ; 
J. B. Luce, Arkansas,; B. 11. .Epperson, Texas ; Jos. Ramsay, Tennessee; Alexander 
White, Alabama ; Hon. E. A. Graves, Kentucky ; George Fries, Ohio ; Colonel D. G. 
Rose, Indiana; Hon. Thomas J. Turner, Illinois; General A. A. Stephens, Michigan; 
Robert Wilson, Miesouri; H. M. Rice, Minnesota; L. B. Vilas, Wisconsin; J. H. Mur- 
phy, Iowa; Nicholas Smith, Kansas: Hon. Samuel Purdy, California; G. M. Beebe, 

Nevada ; W. H. Farrar, Oregon ; Owen Thorn, District of Columbia ; — , 

Asizrona ; A. J. Faulk, Dakota ; Thomas W. Bette, Idaho , , Montana ;. 

Hon. J. Sterling Morton, Nebraska ; Geo. P. Este, New Mexico ; -, Utah ; 

, Colorado ; Elwood Evans, Washington Teuritory. 

Thk CHAiBMAii. The list of the members of this Committee has been read by 
States. 

It is understood that Mr. Blair, of Maryland, is Chairman of the Committee on Or- 
ganisation. 

ADJOCKNMENT. 

Hon. MoiTTGOMERT Blaib. I move that this Convention now a-^.o irn till to-moirow at- 
twelve o'clock. 
The Convention tflierenpon was adjourned. 



SKCOND DA\. 

The ConTentioa met at 12 o'clock M., pursuant to ailjournment. 

Tat Chairman. The Convention will come to order, and gpntlemen will please 
•take their seats. 

The Rev. John P. Haltzinger, of Greenville, Tennessee, then offered the Qpening 
:prayer: 

THK fRAYES. 

Almighty Go«i, our Heavenly Father, "Thou hast been our dvrelliug place in all 
generations, before ever Thou hadst formed the earth and the world, even from ever- 
lasting to everlasting. Thou art God," We desire to approach Thee in the name of 
Thy Son Jesus Christ, and ask Thee for His sake to pardon all our ^sins, and forgive all 
our iniquities. In Thy Providence we have been brought together at this place for a 
special purpose ; and we a«k Thee, Almighty Father, to give us a suitable spirit for 
the present occasion, and help us to feel the responsibility resting upon us. As mil- 
lions are to be affected by this great meeting, for weal or woe, please guide this Con- 
vention in wisdom, tliat good may result from all its counsels. We would most dtj- 
voutly thank Tliee for all Thy mercies ; and as the storms of war are past, grant us 
peace and unity in all the borders of our beloved country, that there may be perfect 
harmony in the great arch of States represented on this occasion ; that the constella- 
tion of thirty-six stars soen in the blue field of our national emblem may never be 
dimiaiohed. May our Union be permanent ; may it last through all time. We ask 
that it may still be the I'nion of our Fathers ; and may their mantle fall upon us, and 
naay we who are here have the spirit of '7ti. We ask Thee for temporal blessings. 
May our fields produce, and may our docks increase, and our substance multiply; and 
may all be spent to Thy glory. We pray for our rulers, and ask that they may be 
jnen fearing God, and hating covetousness. And most especially do we pray Thy 
blessing upon the President of the United States. Grant him the head, the heart, and 
the hands competent to his great task ; and may the nation prosper under His admin- 
istration. In a very few years we will be called to sleep the long sleep of death — to 
render an account of all our acts. May we so live that our conduct in life will be for 
the glory of God and good of our race ; and when a dying hour comes, may we be at 
peace with all out fellow-men, and in favor with God. And, finally, through the 
blood of our blessed Redeemer, we hope to praise the name of God, the Fatker, Sod, 
and Spa-it, in a world without end. Amen. * 

EEPORTS OF COMMITTEES. 

The Chairman. The]]^first bnsineee before the Convention Ls the report of com- 
mittees. 

Hon. MoNTGOMBKY BiAiK. I am instructed by the Committee on Organization to 
make the following report of the officers of the Convention. 

The Chairman; The Secretary will read the report from the Committee on Or- 
ganization. 

Thk Secrbtaby. The report of the Committee on Organizatioh is as follows : 

REPORT OV OMMITTBE OX DKr. ANISAT!»N. 

For FrPMilent. — Hon. James R. Dooi.;ttlk, of Wisconsin. 

Fof Vice Press 'lev ts. — Leonard Wood, LL.D.,MaLae; Dauial Marcy, New Hampshire ; 
Myron Clark, Vermont : llou. R. B. Hall, Massachusetts : Alfred Anthony, Rhode 
Roland: Hon. 0. F. WiiiAester. Connecticut; Hou. Theodore S. Faxton, New York ; 
G«'n. GershomMoit, New Jersey : Asa Packer, Pem'.,-/lvania; Ayres Stockley, Delaware; 
•6«n. Georse Vioker.'*, Maryland; Hon. John W. Brookenborough, Virginia; Thoma.s 
aween^y. West Virginia : Hon. John A. Gilmer, North Carolina ; Judge David Lewis 
Wanllaw, South Carolina ; Ri.hardS. Lyons, Georgia; Judge Thomas Randall, Florida; 
G. A. Sykes, Mississippi ; Cuthbert Bullitt, Louisiana : J. M. Tebbetts, Arkansas ; D.J. 
Burnett, Texas ; Thomas A. R. Nelson, Teuneast^e ; George S. Houston, Alabama; 
H©u. J. W. Ritter, Kentucky ; lion. P. Ranney, Ohio ; Hon. W. S. Suaiih, Indiana; D. 
K. Green, Illinois; Hon. (^. b. Clark,* Michigan ; H»)ii. John Hogan, Missouri; Frank 
liji iteole, Minnesota; tren. Milton Mout'^'omery, Wisconsin; Edward John.^ton. Iowa; 
.]. L. Pendery, Kansas; William T. Coleman, California; Frank Hereford, Nevada; 
V(oa. George L. Curry, (Oregon : Joseph H. Bradley, Sr., Distriot of Columbia ; 



Arizona; J. W. Turner. Dakota; Charles I". Powi 11, Idaho; G'Hirgo L. Milbr, 

Kebraaka ; , New Mt-xico; : , Utah; H"ou. B. F. Hall, Coio- 

ra<lf) ; lilwood Kvans, Wa.-liington Territory. 

Fm iii.<Tciaries. — James Mann, Maiiio ; E. 6. Cj,tter, New Himpehire ; Iteorge H. 
Simmons, Vermont ; Charles Wright, Masetchuaettfl ; JametJ II. Parsons, litjode 
Island; Jamcs A. liuvey, Conaijuticut ; E. 0. Perrin, Now York; Col. Thomr.-s :5. Allison, 
NtW iiin>-j : Harry A. Weaver. Ponn»ylv4nia ; J. F. Tbarp, Delaw.^re ; Dr. W. W. Wat- 



kins, Maryland ; Thomas Wallace, Virginia ; Henry S. Walker, West Virginia ;. 
S. F. Patterson, WorUi Carolina; Thomas Y. Simmons, Sonth Carolina; J. H. Christie, 
Georgia; Judge B. D. Wright, Florida; A. G. Mayer, Mississippi; A. W. Walker,. 
Louisiana; Elias C. Boudinot, Arkansas; J. M. Daniel, Texas; John Lellyet, Ten- 
nessee; C. S. G. Doster, Alabama; M. H. Owsley, Kentucky; E. B. Eshelman, Ohio ; 
Col. C. C. Matson, Indiana; John MeGinnis, Jr., Illinois; Gen. John G. Parkhurst, 
Michigan; Col. C. B. Wilkinson, Missouri; Richard Price, Minnesota; George C. 
Ginty, WiBconsin ; J. M. Walker, Iowa ; W. A. Tipton, Kansas ; Jackson Temple, Cali- 
fornia ; Col. Jesse Williams, Nevada; A. D. Fitch, Oregon; James R. O'Beirne, Dis- 
trict of Columbia ; D. T, Bramble, Dakota ; Major L. Lowrie, Nebraska ; Charles P. 
Egan, Washington. 

The Chairman, Genekal Dix, at this point introduced the Senator from Wisconsin, 
■^jho, upon stepping to the front of the platform, was received with immense cheers — 
the whole assemblage rising as one man, and the applause continued until order was 
called. Senator Doolittle then said: 

MR. DOOLITTLE'S SPEECH. 

Gentlemen of the Convention and Fellow- Citizens of the United Stales : [Cheers. ]_ For 
the distinguished honor of being called upon to preside over the deliberations of this 
Convention, I sincerely thank you. I could have wished that its responsibilities had 
fallen upon another, but relying upon that courtesy and generous confidence which ha& 
called me to the chair, I enter at once upon its duties with an earnest desire for the 
success of the great cause in. which we are now engaged. Among the great events of 
our own day this Convention, in my opinion, will prove to be one of the greatest, for 
" peace hath her victories not less renowned than war." [Applause.] And this Conven- 
tion is one of her victories — may I not say a crowning victory ? [Applause.] For the 
first time in six years a National Convention representing all the States is now assem- 
bled. [Applause.] Six long, weary years ! As we look back, oh ! what an interval 
of blood, and agony, and tears ! During that period we have been engaged in the most 
gigantic civil war the world has ever seen, wasting our resources, drenching a thousand 
battle-fields with fraternal blood, and carrying to a premature grave our father, our 
son?, and our brothers by hundr^^ds of thousands. 

But, thanks be to .^.'mighty God, the war is over, [enthusiastic cheering and ap- 
plause,] and what we here witness assures us that peace has come, and come to stay. 
[Applause.] Fellow-citizens, if the people of the United States could at this moment 
look in iipon this Convention, if they could see whc.t we now witness, the North and - 
the South, the East and the West, joining together in fraternal association as friends 
and fellow-citizens, our work would be already done. [Cheering and applause.] If 
they oouM have seen— as we saw— Massachusetts and South Carolina, [applause,] by 
their full delegations, coming arm in arm [applause] into this great Convention, 
[applause ;] if they could have seen this body, greater in numbers, and in weight of 
character and brain, than ever yet assembled on this Continent under one roof, 
[applause,] meitiug to tears of joy and gratitude to witness this commingling, there- 
coiild be no struggle at the polls in the coming elections. [Applause.] 

When I remember that it was Ma?sachusetts and South Carolina that, in the Con- 
vention which framed the Constitution, voted against the abolition of the slave 
trade ; that it was Massachusetts in 1812 which, through some of her men, taught 
the heresy of nullification, which South Carolina reasserted in 1832, and in the form of 
secession again in 1860; when I call to mind that South Carolina fired the first 
gun, and that the veins of Massachusetts poured out the first blood in the recent 
struggle ; and when I caM to mind all these memories, and at the same time see these 
two old States of the Union coming here in fraternal embrace, approaching a common 
altar of a common country, ready to make sacrifices for the good of the whole — I say 
again, could the whole people of the United States witness all this, there would remain 
no further work for us to restore the Union. [Applause.] If the people of Massachu- 
setts herself could have witnessed it, not a single member could be returned to Con- 
gress [enthusiastic cheering and applause] from that State until he had given the 
most sacred pledge tftiat he would do all in his power in Congress to recognize the 
equality and dignity of ail States under the Constitution, [applause and cheering,] 
including the sacred, inalienable right of every State under the Constitution to repre- 
sentation in both Houses. [Cheering and applause.] Gentlemen of the Convention, 
I shall go into no argument on this occasion. [A voice, "Go on, go on."] The dis- 
tinguished gentleman who preceded me said all that I now desire to say, and much 
better than I could say it. [Voice, "Go on."] I endorse, and take great pleasure in 
fnlly entJtorsing, all that he said — sentence by sentence and word by word. [Applause. ] 

Fellow-citizens, unfortunately the whole people of the Northern States do not 
witness what ie now transpiring here ; therefore, the greater work still rests upon 



10 

ns from this time until the election of the next Congress. We should be untiring 
in our exertion.s to see to it that il this Congress shall continue to refuse this sacred 
right of repro^eiitfitioii to equal States, that the next Congress shall recognize them. 
[Cheers ami applause.] When that is done, the Union is restored. [Applause.] And 
when the Union is restored, we sliall be prepared, in my judgment, to enter upon a 
higher .nnd nobler career among the nations of the earth than has yet been occu- 
pied by any Government upon which the sun of Heaven ever shone. [Applause.] Wo 
shall stand in the vangiiard of civilization, of liberty ; we shall lead by the light of our 
example all other nations of the earth. 

Gentlemen, without detaining you longer, I shall enter at once upon the duties of the 
chair. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering and applause.] 

The band here struck up the inspiring notes of tlie Star-Spangled Banner. 

The PkehU'Ext. Tlic gentlemen wlio have been chosi-n ns vice presidents of the Con. 
vention will now please to come forward and take their seats upon the platform to the 
right and to the left of the Chair, and while they are so doing the music will continue. 

Here the band struck up the popular air "Tramp, Tramp," until tte vice presidents 
and secretaries had assiimed their places. 

The Pbesident. The Convention will now be in order. 

General Steedman. I have leave to present the report of the Committee on Creden- 
tials, which I now liaiul to the Chair. 

The Pkesidext. The gentleman from Ohio offers the following report from the Com- 
mittee on Credentials. The Secretary will read the report. 

The Secketaf.y. The following report is made by the chairman of the Committee on 
(Credentials : 

, repokt of tue committee on credentials. f,^ 

The Conmiittee on Credentials report that tliey have considered the credentials of all 
the delegates presented to them, and that in no State has any contest occurred except 
in Maine, Telaware, and Kcw York, and in these cases they have made the following 
disposition : 

The delegation elected by the_meeting held at Rutland, headed by Governor Crosby, 
in the opinion of the Committee, are entitled to admission as delegates from the State 
of Maine. 

The Committee recommend that the delegation trom Delaware, elected by the meet- 
ing lield at Dover, on the 20th of July, be admitted as delegates from that State. The 
^Committee recommend that the persons chosen by tlic meeting held at Wilmington, on 
the 2d of August, be admitted to honorary seats in this Convention. 

They also recommend that the gentlemen attending from the New York Service 
Eociety of Soldiers and Sailois, and the gentlemen recommended by the chairman of 
the Kew York delegation, be admitted to seats as lionoravy members, and that, inas- 
much as the reading of the list of the delegates must occupy much time, the Committee 
reccmmend the reading be dispensed with, and tliat llie list be published with the 
proceedings of the Convention. 

Geneeal Steedjiak. For the information of the Convention I will state that room 44 
at the Continental Hotel is the headquarters of the Committee on Credentials. A book 
containing the names of all the delegates is on the table of the Secretary of this Con- 
vention, and will be taken to that room wlien the Convention adjourns, for the pur- 
pose of adding the names of siuh delegates as have reported since this report was 
made up. To enable the Convention to proceed to the consideration of business for 
which it has been assembled, I now move the previous question on the adoption of the 
report of the Committee. 

TnE PErsir>F.NT. The question is upon the adoption of the report of the committee. 
Those who are in favor of its adoption will signify the same by saying "aye." 

The report was unanimously adopted. 

vallandioham's withdrawal. 

H«n. W. S. Gboesbeck, of Ohio. I desire to present a letter from a gentleman who 
V08 elected a delegate to this Convention, but who has declined to take his place as 
puch. Tlie letter is fiom the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham. I weuld further state that I 
present this, as the organ of the united delegations of the State of Ohio, and it being 
addrpi-sed to the Convention, I desire it may be read. 

The Pbesident. The gentb'm.fn presents a letter from the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, 
and desires the same shall be read. [Cheers from portions of tie hall.] It requires 
the tmanimcus consent of the Convention. 

Mr. Ik'ou L. (Jakdneb, of New York, and others. I object. 

Hon. Rrvrrdy .Tohnbon, of Maryland. If it be a fact that it requires the onaniiuoua 
coD.°ent of tlie Convention, I move the riilea be suspended. 



11 

Eon. Le-wis D. Campbeli, of Ohio. I second the motion. 

The question was then put on the suspension of the rules, and the motion to 
fiaapend was agreed to. 

The Pbksidekt. The Secretary will now read the letter from the Hon. C. L. Vallan- 
digham. [Cheering.] 

The Secketaky. The letter is as follows : 

vallandigham's letter. 

GriKARD House, Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. 
To the Chairman of the National Union Convention: 

Sir : I have this daj received from the National Union Committee, through the 
Hon. William S. Groesbeck, chairman of the joint Ohio delegation to your Conven- 
tion, a ticket of admission as a delegate from that State. 

Hon. George W. McCook, chairman of the Democratic delegation from Ohio, has alsa 
communicated to me the following resolution, adopted this morning by the delegation : 

Mf^olved unanimouHy hy the Ohio delegation, That we recognize the right of Clement L. Vallandigham, 
a duly elected delegate from the Third Congressional District of Ohio, to hold a sent in that Convention. 
That we should regard his exclusion from such seat as an unjust and unreasonable infringement of the 
rights of the Democracy of said district, and are ready to stand by him in the assertion of his rights and 
the rights of his constituents ; and that we endorse cordially the purity and patriotism of his motives and 
his fitness every waj- to sit in said Convention Yet. for the sake of harmony and pood f.v'ling in the- 
same, and in order to secure the great ends for which it is called, we consent to his withdrawal frpm this 
delegationand from aseat in this Convention, if, in his judgment, his duty to his constituents shall justify 
such witlidrawal. 

Yielding my own deliberate convictions of duty and right to the almost unanimous 
opinion and desire of friends, whose wisdom, soundness of judgment, and sincerity and 
purity of motives I may not question, to tlie end that there shall be no pretext even- 
from any quarter for any controverted question or disturbing element in the Conven- 
tion to mar its harmony, or to hinder in any way the good results to the cause of the 
Convention, the Union, and the public liberty, which shall follow from its deliberations- 
and its actions, I hereby withdraw from the Oliio Democratic delegation, and decline 
taking my seat in the Convention. I am profoundly conscious that the sanctity and 
magnitude of the interests involved in the present political canvass in the United States 
are too immense not to demand a sacrifice of every personal consideration in a struggle 
upon the issue of which depends, as I solemnly believe, the present peace, and ulti- 
mately the existence of free republican government on this continent. 

Trusting that your deliberations may be harmonious, your proceedings full of the 
spirit of wisdom and patriotism, and its results crowned with a glorious and saving 
triumph in the end to the great cause in which every sympathy of my heart is enlisted, 
am, very respectfully, &c., C. L. Vallaxdigham. 

ENTHUSIASTIC KECEPTIOX OF UOX. EDGAR COWAN. 

Hon. Edgar Cowan. You [The cheering that arose when the Senator was seen 

standing continued for some minutes. Tlie ladies joined in it, and hats and handker- 
chiefe were waved, till the whole large mass seemed like one huge wave agitated by a 
passing wind. The tall form of the Senator turned towards them, and he seamed per- 
fectly overwhelmed at this spontaneous exhibition of his national popularity. The 
cheering subsided once or twice, and was renewed again and again. At last he said:] 

You will excuse me for thi^ time ; I only beg leave to olfer tlie following resolution,, 
which I will send to the Chair. 

The President. The resolution will be read. "♦ 

Thb Secretary. The resolution is as follows : 

RESOLUTION FOR A COMMITTEE ON ADDRESS AND RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolved, That a committee of two from each State and Territory be appointed to 
prepare resolutions and an address for the Convention. 

The resolution passed unanimously. 

The President. The following despatch has just been received from the President vi 
the United States. [Long and enthusiastic cheering.] 

The Secretary. I will now read the despatch : 

despatch from the PRESIDENT. 

Washington, August 14, 186 (J. 
To the Hen. 0. H. Browning and A. W. Randall, Convention at Philadelphia : 

I thank you for your cheering and encouraging despatch. The finger of Providenca 
is nnerring, and will guid-e you safely through. The people must be trusted, and the 
country will be restored. My faith is unshaken as to the ultimate success. 

ANDREW JOHNSON. 
[Great cheers. ] 



12 

TuE pEESiDEM. The Chair will now announce tue naiaoa of the Committee on Rtso- 
'iutiona and Address. There are some States tor which names hare not been presented 
to the Chair, and wlit>n the names have been read of those who have been appointed 
the Chair will have the names ot tliose States called in order, and the delegations from 
■those States ean send the names of two persons from each State to the Committee on 
Resolutions, and their names will be inserted. The Secretary will now read the names 
■of the committee. 

TaB Secretary. The names are as follows : 

[The Secretary then read the list of ntimes.] 

Hon. 0. II. Bkow.m.m;, of Illinois. Mr. President, the names a? announced contain 
that of Charles L. Woodbury in lieu of that of S. S. Marvin. I ask to have the latter 
•inserted. 

The PkesiDe.vt. It will be inserted. 

Mr. Lawkk.vce. The name of Thomas Steers is omitted. I ask tliat it be inserted- 

The Pkesidk.vt. It will be inserted. 

Mr. B. Able, of Missouri. The names from Missouri were omitted. I ask that those 
of Governor Austin A. King and James 0. Broadhead be inserted from Missouri. 

The President. Those names will be inserted. The corrected list will now be read. 

Tue Sfcretahy. The corrected list is as follows : 

COMMITTEE ON RESOLCTIONS AN1> ADDKESS. 

Hon. Edgar Cowan, Chairman ; Maine, R. D. Rice, George M. Weston; New Hamp- 
shire, C. B. Bowers. H. Bingham: Vermont, C. N. Davenport, J. H.Williams; Mas- 
sachusetts, General D. N. Couch, C. L. Woodbury : Rhode Island, William Beach 
Lawrence, Thomas Steere ; Conueetiout. .Jr.mes Dixon, Origcn S. Seymour ; New York, 
Hon. Henry .T. Raymond. Hon. Sanford E. Cliurch ; New Jersey. Colonel Ingham 
Coriell, Abraham Browning; Pennsylvania. Hon. Edgar Cowan. Hon. Williatn Bigler ; 
Delaware, Joseph P. Comeygs, Ayres Stockley : Maryland, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Hon. 
John W. Crislield : West Virginia, General John J. Jackson, Daniel Lamb ; Virginia, 
Hon. Richard H. Parker, .Tohn L. Marye : Nortli Carolina, Hon. William A. Graham, 
Hon. Nathaniel Boyden ; South Carolina, S. McGowan, J5. F. Perry: Georgia, P. W. 
Alexander, A. R. Wright : Florida, Hon. William Marvin, Hon. Wilkinson Call: Ala- 
bama, C. C. Langdon, T. J. Foster : Mississippi, William Yerger, Hon. A. Murdoch ; 
Louisiana, Hon. John Ray, Joshua Baker ; Texas, B. H. Epperson, L. D. Evans ; 
Tennessee, Hon. John S. Brien, Hon. John Baxter : Arkansas, William Byers, M. L. 
Bell : Kentucky, Hon. E. Hise, Hon. Garrett Davis : Ohio, Solomon Hinckle, General 
■George W. McCook ; Indiana, John S. Davis, Hun. Thomas A. Hendricks ; Ilinois, 
Hon. 0. H. Browning, Hon. S. S. Marshall ; Michigan. William B. M^Creary, Hon. 
Charles E. Stewart ; Missouri, Austin A. King, James (). Broadhead ; Minnesota, Henry 
M. Rice, Daniel S. Norton ; Svisconsin, C. A. Eldridge, J. J. R. Pease ; Iowa, Chartes 
Mason, Thomas H. Benton, jr. : Kansas, General Charles W. Blair, W. C. McDowell ; 
■Qalifornia. R. J. Walker. J. A. McDougall : Nevada, (rovernor G. M. Beebe, Frank. 
Hereford ; Oregon. G. L. Curry, E. M. Barnum : District of Columbia, Richard T. 

Merrick, Dr. Charles Allen; Arizona, ; Dakota, A. J. Faulk; Idaho, C. F. 

Powell, Henry W. Pugh ; Montana, ; Nebraska, General H. H. Heath: New 

Mexico, George P. Este ; Utah, : Washington, Edward Lauder ; Colorado, 

Milo Lee. * 

Thi: President. Tlie committee will now retire for purposes of consultation into the 
committee room, on the left of the Chair. 

Genebal Cabkoli., of New York. I ofler the following resolution: 

REVISION OK OUR NEUTRALITY LAWS. 

Resolved, That there is demanded a revision of our national neutrality laws, in cou- 
aequense of the spirit of the age, and that it was the duty of Congress to comply 
with the public demand ior the revision of the same. 

This resolution was referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. 8. S. Hayes, of Illinois, i move the adoption of the following resolution upoa 
the order of business 

The President. The gentleman will wait a moment until the Committee on Resolu- 
tions have an opportunity to retire. 

Mr. S. S. Hatti-:.'', of Illinois, oilers the following rp.->olution. which will be read. 

The Secretary then read the resolution, as follows: 

IS8TRCCTI0NS TO THE COMMITTFK ON RRfiOLaTIONS. 

Replied, That the Committee on Resolutions be authorised and directed to report 
in print, and to supply each member of th^ fouvention with a copy of the resolutiooi 
r«porte4, at the time of their preseutatioa. 



13 

Mr. Apgak, of New York. Do I understand that it is expected tliat tlie Cliairraau of 
the Committer will not report directly to the Convention? 

Tan Pkhsident. The resolution will again be read. 

The Secretary re-read the resolution. 

Mr. Apgar, of New York. I apprehend that under the resolution adopted for your 
Convention a< a rule of its proceedings, tlii:^ resolution must go to the Committee 
on Resolutions without debate. 

The Presidknt. I think the point taken by the gentleman from New Ywk is correct. 
This resolution will go to the Committe on Resolutions nnder the rule already adopted. 
r81ight applause.] 

* REMARKS OF MR. HAYES, OF ILLINOIS. 

Mr. Hates, oflliiuoia. I rise to a point of order. I understand by the remarks of the 
gentleman from New York that the resolutions, under the rule, must go to the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions without the action of this Convention, and upon that motion or 
suggestion I am prepared to say one single word. 

I was asked tiie object of the resolution, and in answer would say, that I understand 
by the rule of proceedings adopted by the Convention that all resolutions containing a 
declaration of principle, or having i-eference to the platform adopted by this Convention, 
shall go before the Convention through a committee appointed to consider the effect of 
those resolutions. But the resolution proposed by me is not a resolution in relation 
I to principle, or in relation to the general action of this Convention, It is simply a di- 
rection to the Committee on Resolutions to make a report in such a manner that this Con- 
vention may be fully posted on the subject of the resolutions before it acts upon them. 
Sir, I came to this Convention with a sincere, a disinterested purpose. I came here 
^with no x)ersonal object to attain, so far as I know, so help me God. Sir, I am a mem- 
ber of what is called the Democratic party of this country, [applause.] and, sir, I came 
here with the utmost enthusiasm for the great cause in which we are all united. Sir, 
I expect that this Convention will do or say nothing in the platform to which I, as a 
consiotenr, au'l Cnion-loving Democrat, cannot hoartily^^subscribe. [Ajiplause.] I 
know the Democratic party of this country. I, sir, am proud to be a uiember of that 
party, and I believe that if there ever was a patriotic party in the world it is the Demo- 
cratic party of this country, [Applause.] I desire to say — [Voices," Question," 
"question." "question."] 

Mr, Apgae, of New York. I rise to a fioint of order. 

Mr. Hayes, of Illinois. One word more. 

Thr Psesident. The gentleman from Illinois will allow the Chair to state that there 
is a gentleman rising on the left to a point of order, it may have escaped his attention. 
There is no question before the Convention, as no appeal was taken from the decision 
of the Chair- 
Mr. Hayks, of Illinois, I don't propose to dissent from the action of the Convention, 
♦although it was taken without argument, on the decision of the Chair. I had merely 
one word of explanation. I believe that that resolution, in the form in which it ap- 
pears to the committee, will meet with their careful consideration ; but I wish to add, 
as a reason for introducing it now, that the resolutions shall be carefully considered by 
the delegations, and be in print, so that each delegation shall meet together and 
ananimously adopt them. [Applause.] 

Mr. Apoar. of New York, The gentleman is ont of order. 

The Pkesidbnt. There is no question before the House, and the gentleman has 
taken his seat. 

Mr HoGAN, of Missouri, I move that this Convention take a recess for an hour or 
two, to allow the committee to deliberate upon the resolutions. 

[Voices, " No, " " no, " " no. "] 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri suggests that the Convention take a 
recess of two hours . 

[The name of Milo Lee was here inserted on tlie Committee on Resolutions and 
adopted.] 

Mr. CowAN, of Pennsylvania. I beg leave to report that the committee have not 
organized, and will not be able to report finally to the Convention before to-mor- 
row at ten o'clock, and therefore ask leave to sit until that time. 

Tub President. It is moved that when this Convention adjourns it adjourn to meet 
again to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. 

A motion was then made as an amendment to the previous motion, that when the 
Convention adjourns it adjourn to meet to-morrow at twelve o'clock. 
■ Thb Psesu'EUt. It is moved and seconded that when this Convention adjourns it 
adjourn to meet to-morrow at twelve o'clock. 

A v»te was taken, but tlie Chrdr did not decide. 

[Voices, "Ten o'clock, " "ten o'clock. "] 



14 

Mr. Kalbi'LEisch, ol New York, moved, as an amtndment to ihe amendment, that 
eleven o'clock bw inserted iu the place of twelve. 

Mr. Bail) :v, of Massachusetts. I tru^t that the original motion will prevail, for the 
reason that there are a large number of people here who are desirous of getting through 
&e soon as pos-^ible with the work of tLe Convention. Therefore, I hope that the hour 
of ten o'clock will prevail. [Applause.] 

The Pkeside.nt. The amendment to the amendment is first in order. 

The ayes and noes were taken, and the amendment to the amtndment ("fixing the 
hour at eleven o'clock^ was lost. 

The Pkeside.nt. Now the motion is upon the amendment fixijjg the hour at twelve 
o'clock. 

The ayes and noes were taken audHhe amendment was lost. 

The original motion was then put and carried. 

Mr. FiKscHihR, of Pennsylvania. I have a memorial prepared by gentlemen in my 
Congressional district, which I wish to have referred to the Committee on Re&olutions. 
I wish to have it referred without a reading. 

The memorial was referred to that committee under the rule. 

Mr. B.4.EC0CK, of Connecticut. I beg leave to refer to the Committee on ResolutioHS 
the resolution which I hold in my hand. Rt-ferred to the Committee on Re^olutions. 

Mr. Babcock, of Connecticut. I have a brief statement to make to the Convention. 

ADDRESS OF SOCTHERN DELEGATEP, NATIVES OP KEW ENGLAND, TO THE PEOPLE OF UEW 

ENGLAND. 

The members of the Louisiana, Mississippi, and Missouri del»;gJilion?, who were born 
Id New England, have prepared an address to the people of New Englaud and to 
Xae people of the whole Nortli, with the consent of this Convention. That address, beau- 
tiful in its expression, elo(iuent in its appeal, and full of patriotism, and of the earnest 
purpose that animates all our hearts, has been read to us of this Connecticut delega- 
tion, and by unanimous vote I have Ix^en requested to move that that addiess may be 
made a part of the proceedings of this Convention. I therefore move you, sir, that 
the address be referred to the Couimitte-e on Resolutions and Address, and be read to 
this Convention, and form a part of these proceedings. [Voices, '* (too<-1, " "good."] 
It was referred to the committee. 

ADJOUBNMENT. 

Mr. Orb, of South Carolina. I move that the Convention do now adjourn. 
A vote was taken and the motion carried. The Convention then adjourned to meet 
again to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. 

THIRD DAY. 

Ilie Convention met pursuant to adjournment. At ten A. M. the Convention was. 
called to order. 

The PRESi.nENT. The ConveutioH will please come to order, and the Rev. M. J. S. 
Reimensynder, of Lewistown, Pennsylvania, will open the proceedings with prayer. 

THE TRAYEr.. 

Lord God, .Jehovah, King of Kings ! We adore Thee a.s the first, the greatest, and 
the best of beings. Thou art the Author cf this creation, both physical and spiritual. 
Thoa art the Ruler of all the earth; the Sovereign of all things that are iu Heaven 
above and on the earth beneath, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones or do- 
misions, and principalities or powers; Tiiou art from everlasting to everla^iting. Of 
eld diist Thou lay the foundations of this earth, and giv to the ^ea her d-'pth, and 
Btretch over our head.s the glorious llrmament rejoicing in its stars. Thou lillest the 
heavens with Tliy presence, and immensity is Thy realm, and the eternal years the 
servants of Thy sc-ptre. How, then, can wo, creatures of the dust and of a d.iy, aspire 
to cast up our eyes, after our rebellion, unto Thee, save through the promi.-^es of Tliy 
Son Jesus Christ, through th.it love and forbearance which knew no limits !" For to 
Bave the chi"fest of sinuirs Thou di.l-^t give the precious blood of Thine only beloved 
Bon. We come trusting iu and pleading this bhwd. asking that Thou will freely re- 
ceive us, and not cast us, Thy ihildren, otT forever. We th.ank Thee tl)»at Thou didat 
make our pathway easier than before, and that Thou didst chang-; the ( onvenant of 
works to that of grace ; so that we have gained, tlirough Christ, more than lost through 
Adam. And yet, Father, in the weakness of human wisdom, aud the folly of hamau 
gTxilt, we have b«en in a great and fearful confii-t against each other. Bcother has 
Btriven against broth'^r for tlie ma,stery, till the very heavens were shaken with the 
roar of our arm* ; fields are laid wa->, and the battle'is dia raged for six years— -ix 
yeaxs of hardships and suffering in the tented field, upon the w<*ary march, upon the 
Aold of battle. But we tharfc Tbf^e that triey ooni» Jf now from the NtTth aud from the 



15 

South, from the East and from the West, to moot beneath the segis of ihe American 
eagle; that they meet each otJier again witli the loving, true liands of friends and of 
brethren. We adore and thank Thee for this great spectacle, and we confidently 
invoke Thy presence and Thy sanction to rest upon the great Avork now imposed upon 
!this, the most august of American assemblies. Crown its deliberations with holy 
wisdom ; sanctify them with Thy love ; harmonize them for peace ; make them fit to 
;right the woes of this great peojile. Let Tliy blessings especially rest upon the 
President of the Unitod States, in his efi'orts to vindicat.i the Constitution and render 
■this great American nation imperishable throughout future generations. And do Thou 
grant, Lord, that its future may ever, as now, be decided on the fields of talent, and 
not on the contested grounds of the sword. And now we commit humbly, and yet 
trustingly, our great country, our great people, and our common destiny into the 
keeping of the adorable Trinity of Heaven — Father, Son, and Holy Spirit — world with- 
out end. Amen. 

The President. Gentlemen will now resume their seats and the Convention be in 
order. Before pi'oceeding to any farther business, the Chair begs leave to announce, 
as the first response to our action, the result of the Colarado election. [Great cheers.] 
'Returns read : 

CoLOEADO, August 1.'.— Returns from all parts of the Territory render certain tha 
election of A. C. Hunt. Administration candidate, for Delegate to Congress, over 
Chillcot, the Radical candidate. 

£Euthu3iastic applause. ] 

Mr. Smith, of New Jersey. I beg to ofler the following resolution : 

The Pbrsipext. The Secretary will read the resolution oflFered by the gentleman from 
New Jersey. 

The Secretary then read the following : 

NATIONAL CTNIOX EXECrTlVE COJIIIITTEE. 

Resolved, That a riiiou National Executive Committee be appointed, to be f ompoe«d 
-of two delegates from each State and Territory and the District of Columbia. 
The resolution was unanimously adopted : 

Hon. Reverdy Johnson. I wish to offer this resolution to the Convention. 
The Pkesident. Tlie resolution will be read. 
The Secretary read the following : 

COILMITTEE TO PRESENT THE PROCEEDINGS TO THE PRESIDENT. 

Resolved, Tliat a committee of two from each State and one from each Territory of tho 
United States; and one from the District of Columbia, be appointed by the Chair to wait 
upon the President of the United States and present him with an authentic copy of the 
proceedings of this Convention. 

[Cheers.] 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

Charles Knap, Esq. I offer the following resolution. 

[Cheers.] 

The President. The Secretary will read the resolutiou. Tte Coawafion will como 
(to order. 

The Secretary read the following : 

committee on FIU'ANOE. 

Resolv«d, That a committee on finance be appointed, to consist of two delegates from 
-«ach State and Territory and Irom the District ot Columbia. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted. 

GEjfERAL Patthrson, of Pennsylvania. I have been informed that my name has been 
added to the list of delegates, and as I understand the?e was a contestant for the seat, 
I beg to offer the following resolution, and ask that it be rea-d : 

The President. It must be referred to the Committee on Resolution-';. 

Hoi^ Ed^:jak Cowan. I beg to offer the following resolution : 

The President. The resolution will be read. 

The Secretary read the following : 

THANKS TO THE MAYOR OF PUiLADRLPaCA. 

Jie3<ylved, That the thanks of this Convention are due, and are hereby tendered, 
Morton McMichaol, Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, for his admirable police arrange- 
ments for the preservation of peace and good order during the session of this Cotiren- 
tion. 

The resolution w^a uncvaimous^y adopted. 



1« 

KEPGKT OF COMMITTEE ON RESOLrTIONS AKD AriRESg. 

Hon. Edgak Cowan. On behalf of the committee appointed to prepare resolntiant 
and an address, after a very careful and elaborate consideration of the subject, lasting 
all the day and a good part of the night, I beg leave to report the following declaration 
of principles, adopted unanimously by the committee, which will be read to the Con- 
vention ; and also the address to the people of the country, which will be read by the 
Hon. Mr. Raymond, of New York. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania offers the following declaratien oi 
principles and accompanying resolutions, which will now be read : 

The Secretary then read as follows : 

HECLARATION OF TRINCIPLES. 

The National Union Convention, now assembled in the city of Philadelphia, composed 
of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, admonished by the solemn' 
lessons which, for the last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Puller of the Universe 
to give to the American people ; profounilly grateful for the i^-turn of peace ; desirous, 
as are a large majority of tli'eir countrymen, in all sincerity^ to forget ind forgive the 
past ; revering the Constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors; regariing the 
Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever ; looking with deep anxiety Into the 
fixture, as of instant and continuing trials, hereby issues and proclaims the following 
declaration of principles and purposes, on which they have, with perfect ananimity, 
agreed : 

1st. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war |and the retarn of 
peace to our afflicted and beloved land. 

2d. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, wifih all 
the powers whiih it confers, and all the restrictions which it imposes upon the General 
Government, unabridged and unaltered, and it has preserved the Union, with the equal 
rights, dignity, and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired. 

3d. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College 
is a right recognized by the Constitution as .abiding in every State, and as a dwij im- 
posed itpon the people, fundamental in its nature, and essential to the existence of our 
republican institutions, and neither Congress nor the General Government has any 
aiithority or power to deny this right to any State or to withhold its enjoyment under 
the Constitution from the people thereof. 

4th. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as members 
thereof none but men who admit this fundamental right of representation, and who 
will receive to seats therein loyal representatives from ^svery State in allegiance to the 
United States, subject to the constitutional right of each House to judge of the elec- 
tions, returns, and qualifications of its own members. 

5th. The Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereot, 
are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to 
the contrary notwithstanding. All the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon 
the General (Jov'-rnment, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, 
or to the people thereof ; and among the rights thus reserved to the States is the right 
to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress 
cannot interfere. No State or combination of States has tke right to withdraw from 
the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any other State 
or States from the Union. The Union of these States is perpetual. 

(Jth. Such amendments to the Constitution of tho United States may be made by the 
people thereof .'is tlu'y may ileem exp.'dient, but only in the mode pointed out by its 
provisions ; and in proposing such amendnn-nts, whether l>y Congress or by a Conven- 
tion, and in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal and an inde- 
feasible right to a voice and a vote thereon. 

7th. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor pur- 
pose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon the 
soil, or within the jurisdiction of the Unit<'d States ; and the enfranchised slaves in all 
the States of the Union should r"jceiv<^, in common with all their inhabitants, equal pro 
tection in every right of person and property. 

>>th. While we regard as utterly invalid, and never to be assumed or made of binding 
force, any obligations incurred or undertaken in making war against the United States, 
we hold the del>t of the Nation to be sa.red and inviolable ; and we prcv^aim our par- 
pose in discharging this, as in performing all other national obligatio:ifl, to maintaixs 
unimpaired and iinimp<'ached thn honor and the faith of the Kepuhiic. 

9th. It is the duty of the National Government to recognize the services of the Fede- 
ral soldiers and «:ailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly aud fnlly all 
their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the Nation, and by 



17 

extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those 
who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. 

10th'. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who, in his great office, 
has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the haws, and interests of his 
country, unmoved by persecution and undeserved reproach, having faith unassailable 
in the people and in the principles of free government, we recognize a Chief Magistrate 
worthy of the Nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast : and we 
tender to him, in the discharge of his high and responsible duties, our profound respect 
and assurance of o\ir cordial and sincere support. 

The Besolutions were u-nanimousLy adopted. 

A Delegatr from Pennsylvania. I propose three cheers for the Hon. Edgar Cowan. 

ENTHUSIASTIC CHEKRS FOR HON. EDGAR COWAN. 

Three hearty eheecs were here given, the whole audience rising to their feet and 
heartily responding. 
General W. Patten, of Pennsylvania. I propose three more for Mr. Cowan. 
This was responded to in like manner. 

ME. cowan's response. 

Mr. Cowan, of Pennsylvania. — Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : I 
claim to be tf e host of the Convention, and one of my distinguished guests will now ad- 
dress you, and address you by virtue of authority \inanimously derived from the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions and Address — the Hon. Mr. Raymond. [Applaiise.] 

The President. The Hon. Mr. Raymond, from the State of New York, will now read 
the address, which has received the unanimous approval of the Committee on Re3olti=- 
tions and Address. [Applause.] . 

Mr. Raymond tlien stepped forward, amid deafening cheers, which, having somewha.^ 
subsided, he read a,s follows : 

The President. The Hon. H. J. Raymond will now read the address. 

The Hon. H. J. Raymond then read as follows : 

the address. • 

To the People uf the United Stales : 

Having met in Convention at the city of PJiiladelphia, in the St.ite of Pennsylvania, 
this 10th day of August, 1S6G, as the representatives of the people in all sections and 
all the States and Territories of the Union, to consiilt upon tlie condition and the wants ' 
of our common country, we address to you this declaration of our principles and of the 
political purposes we seek to promote. 

Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year IStJO, events have oc- 
curred which have changed the character of our internal policy, and given the United 
States a new place among the nations of the earth. Oar Government has passed 
through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war — a war which, though mainly sec- 
tional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differences that from the very 
beginning of the Government had threatened the unity of our national existence, and 
has left its impress, deep and ineffaceable, upon all the interests, the sentiments, and 
the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole country sef ere 
losses in life and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its re- 
sources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of noble co'arage in the pres- 
ence of national dangers, a capacity for military organization and acliievment, and 
devotion on the part of thejieople to the form of government which they have ordained, 
and to the principles of liberty which that Government was designed to promote, which 
must confirm the confidence of the Nation in the perpetuity of its republican institu- 
tions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which 
rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to 
the ambition of political parties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. 
Amidst the chorus of conflicting sentiments, inseparable from such an era, while tbes 
public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment ancfc 
affect the public action, while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either 
side, and fear.s for the future take unjust proportions from the memories and resent- 
m.Dnts of the past, it is a difficult, but an imperative duty which, in your behalf, we- 
who are here asembled have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long 
years of alienation and of conflict, we have come together from every State and every 
section of our land, as citizens of a common country, under that flag, the symbol again- 
of a common glory, to consult together how best to secure and pei-petu-ate that Unioi> 
which Ls again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty 
to ©urielves and oiw posterity. 



18 

lu the &Ttil place, w« invoke you to remember, always aud everywhere, that the war 
i-3 ended, and the nation is again at peace. The dhook of contending arms no longer 
a.-isails the shuddering heart of the" Republic. Tlie insurrection against the supreme 
authority of the nation ha.s been suppressed, and that authority lias been again ac- 
knowledged by word and act in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdic- 
tion. We are no longer re(iuired or permitted to regard or treat each other as ene- 
mies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, aud the weapons of war laid 
aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the rela- 
tions of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad 
dominion. Wo are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, 
bound by the duties and obligations of a comm«m nation, and having neither rights 
hor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are 
again the iuties of peace, and no longer the duties of war. We have assembled here 
to take counsel concerning the interests of peace, to decide how we may most wisely 
aud oftectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the 
benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, 
riprung up in it.- tiery track. This is the work not of passion, but of calm^nd sober 
judgment; not of resentment for past oilenccs, prolonged btjyond the limits which 
justice and reason prescril)e. but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it 
cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future rather upon a com- 
munity of interest and ambition than upon distrust aud the weapons of force. 

In the next place, we call upon you to recognize, in their full significance, and to 
accept, with all their legitimate consequences, the political results of the war just 
closed. In two most important particulars llie victory achieved by the National Gov- 
ernment has been final and decisive — first : it has established, beyond all further con- 
troversy, aud by the highest of all human sanction, the absolute supremacy of the 
National Governnient, as deiined and directed by the Constitution of the United States, 
and the permanent integrity an(f indissolubility of the Federal Union is a necessary 
consequence: and secondly, it has put an end, finally and forever, to the existence of 
slavery upon the soil or ^vitbin the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these 
points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy iipon both has ended 
absolutely and linally by the result. 

In the third i)lace, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character »f 
the war, and the victory by which it was closed, should be accurately understood. 
Tlie war was carried on by the Government of the United States in maintenance of its 
own authority, and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by 
the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection 
accomplish«d that result. The Government of the United States maintained by force 
of arms the supreme authority overall the territory and over all the States and people 
within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it : but it acquired thereby 
no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights, either of territorial possession or of 
civil authority, which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the right- 
ful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it in express terms, or by 
fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that 
)ower and that authority which the lebeMion sought to overthrow, and the victory of 
he Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. 

The Government of the United States acted throughout the war ou the defensive. 

sought only to hold possession of what was already its owrt. Neither the war, nor 
he victory by which it was ended, changed in any way the Constitution of the United 
j'tates. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions and under the limitations 
which they prescribed, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or iu 
any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or re- 
lease that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. 

The Constitution of the United Sfcates is to-day precisely as it was before the war — 
the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the 
contrary notwitiistanding. And to-day also, precisely as before the war, all the powers 
not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it 
to the States, are reserved to the several States or to the people thereof. 

This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our Government and 
the language and .-.pirit of tiie Constitution, but by all the acts and the langnagn of our 
Government, in all its ^lepartments and at all times, from the outbreak of the rebellion 
to its final overthrow. In the messages and proclamations of the Executive it was 
explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the 
authority of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Union, and Congress 
more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance, that when- 
ever this object should be attained the war should cease, aud all the States should re - 



19,. 

tain their equal tights and dignity unirsipaired. It is ouly sinct-. tlie war Las elosca that 
other rights have been asserted on behalf of one department of tlie General Government. 
It has been proclaimed by Congress that, in addition to the powers conferred u^- on it by 
the Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States and the terri- 
tory, and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war — right of comiuest 
and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions;, and 
laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inliabitants to such terms and 
regulations a.s the legislative department of the Govenimeut may see lit to impose, 
under the broad and sweeping claim that the clause of the Constitution which pro- 
videB that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the 
Senate of the United States, has been annulled ; and States have been refused, and are 
still refused, representation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress ; and 
the Congress in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are- 
represented has asserted the right to exclude others from representation and from all ■ 
share in making their own laws and choosing their own rulers, unless they shall com- 
ply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may^ 
itself prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exercised, and 
is practically enforced at the present time. Kor does it find any support in the cry that 
the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the Government, and ai-e therefore 
precluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one 
and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn allegiance to 
the Constitution of the United States. In none of them is there the slightest indication 
of resistance to this authority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding 
obligations. This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn 
proclamation of the Executive Department. The laws of the United States have been 
n-xtended by Congress over all these States, and the people thereof. Federal courts have 
been reopened, and Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that 
they are denied representation in Congress and the Electoral College, the States once in 
rebelli»n are recognized as holding the same obligations and subject to the same duties 
35 the other States of our common Union. 

It seems to^us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment wo can 
fering to the subject, such a claim so enforced involves as fatal an overthrow tf the 
authority of the Constiti^tion, and as complete a destruction of the Government and 
Union, as that which was sought to bo-vt'fi'ected by the States and people in armed in- 
surrection against them. It cannot esrtipe observation, that tlie power thus asserted to 
exclude certain States from representation is made to rest \rholly in the "will and dis- 
cretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon specified con- ^ 
ditions or circumstances, not to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The \ 
right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction, not con- 
fined to States in rebellion, nor to States that have rebelled. It is the right of any Con- 
gress, in formal possession of legislative authority, to exclude any State or States, and 
any portion of the people thereof, at any time from representation in Congress, and in 
the Electoral College, at its own discretion, and until they shall perform such acts and 
comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such exclu- 
sion heing wholly withiu the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress itself 
shall change. 

One Congress may exclude a State from all share in the Government for one reason 
and that reason rernoved, the next Congress may exclude it for another. One Stats 
may be excluded on one ground to-day, and another may be excluded on the opposito 
grdund to-morrow. Northern ascendency may exclude Southern States from Cou, 
gress — the ascendency of Western or Southern interests, or of both combined, raaj 
exclude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. 

Improbable as £=ach usurpations may seem, the establishment of the principles now 
asserted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The 
character, indeed, the very existence of Congress and the Union, is thus made depen- 
dent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies or forbearance of the 
hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant in the 
Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government and with the very 
existence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which ha.s rendered 
fruitless all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free governments in Mexico 
and the States of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to 
fundamental law, which is set aside in reckless obedience to their behests. Stability, 
whether in the exercise of power in the administration of government or in the enjoy- 
ment of rights, becomes impossible, and the conflicts of party, which under constitu- 
tional government are tlie conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the 
conflicts of arms, to which they directly and inevitably tend. 



20 

-i 

ft was against thi^j peril, so eouspicuous, aud so fatal to all iree govLTuments, that 
ouv Coustitutiou wa^i iutended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but the 
V ery existence of the (iovernmont ia made by it.s provisions to depend upon the right 
and the"tact of ri'])re.soutation. The Congress, upon which is conferred all the legisla- 
lire power of National Govenunont, consists of two branches — the Senate and House of 
Representatives — whose joint concurrence or assent is essential to the validity of any 
law. Of these the House of Representatives, says the Constitution, (Article 1st, sec- 
tion 2d, j shall be composed of members chosen evtry second year by the people of the 
several States. Not only is the right of representation thus recognized as possessed by 
all tlie States and by every State, without restriction, qualification, or condition of any 
kind, but the duty of choosing Representatives is imposed upon the people of each and 
every State alike, without distinction or the authority to make distinction among 
them lor any reason or upon any grounds whatever. And in the Senate, so careful is 
the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation, it is expressly 
provided that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in 
that body, oven by amendment to the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State 
16 excluded from suclx representation, not only is the right of the State denied, but the 
constitutional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and the validity of the Government 
itself is brought in question. But Congress at the present moment thus excludes from 
representation in both branches of Congress ten States of the Union, denying them all 
share in the enactment of laws by which they are to be governed, and all participa- 
tion in the election of the rulers by which those laws are to be enforced. In other 
words, a Congress in which only twenty-six States are represented asserts the right to 
govern, absolutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six States which compose 
tiie Union : to make their laws and choose their rulers, and to exclude the other ten 
from all share in their own government, until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What 
is there to distinguish the power thus asserted and exercised from tlie most absolute 
and intolerate tyranny ? Nor do these extravagant and unjust (;laims i3n the part of 
Congress to powers and aiithority never conferred upon the Government by the Con- 
stitution, tind any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It 
is alleged — 

Firat. That these States, by the act of rebellion and by voluntarily withdrawing 
their members fi'om Congress, forfeited their right of representation, and that they 
■ can only receive it again at the hands of the supreme legislative authority of the Gov- 
ernment, on its own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Congress, 
and participation in the (iovernment, were simply privileges conferred and lield by 
favor, this statement might have the merit of plausibility. But representation is, un- 
der the Constitution, not only expr».'ssly recognized as a right, but it is imposed as a 
duty, and it is essential in both aspects to the existence of the Government and to the 
maintenance of its authority. In free Governments fundamental and essential rights 
cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by due process of law ; nor can consti- 
tutional duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights 
may be for a time suspended by the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded 
by the refusal to perform them. The withdrawal of their members from Congress by 
the States whicli resisted the General Government was a)nong their acts of insurrec- 
tion — was one of the means and agencies by which they sought to impair tlie authority 
and liefeat the action of the Government ; and that act was annulled and rendered void 
when the msurrection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor 
the duty to be represented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; but 
it may have been that, by reason of the insurrection, the conditions on which the en- 
joyment of that right and the permanence of that duty for the time depended could 
not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An ins^gent power, in the exercise of 
a8uri>ed and unlawful authoiity in the territory under its control, liad prohibited that 
allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States which is made by that 
fundamental law the essential condition of representation in Government. No man 
within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution 
of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence, no man could lawfully repre- 
Bent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the 
enjoyment of tlie right and to the discharge of a duty ; it did not annul the obc nor 
abrogate the other, and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by whiih it was ( reated 
had bt)en overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Consti- 
tation and laws of the United States. 

Second. But it is asserted in support of the authority claimed by the Congre:^s now 
in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war ; that it is among 
the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquerors, and which the 
coaqueTor may exercise or waive, in hi; own discretion. To this we reply, that the 



21 

laws in question relate solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars 
waged between alien and independent nations, and can have no place Oi force in this 
regard in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection ^of its own people, 
upon its own soil, against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against 
^ny foreign nation, we might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of 
their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people, and to impose ujjou 
them su'^h laws and such obligations as ^e miglit choose. But we had, before the 
war, complete jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern States, limited only by our 
own Constitution. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The Gov- 
ernment of the United States was the only Cxovernnieiit through which those States 
and their people had relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the only flag by 
which they were recognized or known anywhere on the face of the earth. In all 
these respects, and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our 
possession was jierfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be 
maintained; and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than 
maintain it. It could only vindicate and ret-stablish the disputed supremacy of the 
■Constitution. It couhl neither t-nlarge nor diminish the authority which that Consti- 
tution confers upon the Government by which it was achieved. Such an enlargement 
or abridgment of constitutional power can be eliected only by amendment of the Con- 
stitution itself, and such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Con- 
stitution itself prescribes. 

The claim that the suppression of an iasurrection against the Government gives ad- 
ditional authority and power to that Government, especially that it enlarges the juris- 
diction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from rejiresentation 
in the National Councils, without which the nation itself can have no authority and no 
existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution and with 
the public safety. 

Tiiiid. But it is alleged that in certain particulars the Constitution of the United 
States fails to secure the absolute justice and impartial equality which the principles of 
our Government require : that it was in these respects the result of compromises and 
concessions to which, however necessary when the Constitution was formed, we are no 
longer compelled to submit ; and that now, having the power through successful war, 
and just warrant for its exei'cise in the hostile conduct of the insurgent section, the 
actual Government of the United States may impose its own conditions and make the 
Constitution conform in all its provisions to its own ideas of equality and the rights of 
war. Congress, at its last session, proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlafg- 
ing, in some very important particulars, the authority of the General Government over 
that of the several States, and reducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representa- 
tive power of the States in which slavery formerly existed ; and it is claimed that these 
amendments may be made valid as parts of the original Constitution without the con- 
currence of the States to be most seriously aft'ected by them, or may be imposed upon 
those States by three-fourths of the remaining States, as conditions of their readmis- 
sion to representation in Congress and in the Electoral College. 

It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United States to make such changes 
in the Constitution as they upon due deliberation may deem expedient. But we insist 
that they shall be made in the mode which the Constitution itself points out, in con- 
formity with the letter and spirit of that instrument, and with the principles oi self-gov- 
•ernment and of equal rights which lie at the basis of our republican institutions. We 
deny the right of Congress to make these changes in the fundamental law without the 
«oncurrence of tbi-ee-fourths of all the States, including especially those to be most 
seriously affected by them, or to impose them upon States or people as conditions of 
representation or of admission to any of the rights, duties, or obligations which belong, 
under the Constitution, to all the States alike ; and with still greater emphasis do we 
deny the right of- any portion of the States, excluding the rest of the States from any 
share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which are to 
^affect permanently their political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action 
•of the «everal members of the common Union. Such an exercise of power is simply a 
usurpation, just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be if 
exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in the past his- 
tory either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liber- 
ties it is to take effect. It finds no warrant in the Constitution. It is at war with the 
fundamental principles of our form of government. If tolerated in one instance it be- 
•comes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right, dependent 
solely upon the will of the party in possession of power, and thus leads by direct and 
neoessary sequence to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of 
shifting and irresponsible political factions. It i^ against this, the most formidable of all 



- 22 

the dangers wbicL menace the stability of free g07eniment, that the Cou^litation of 
the United Stales wss intended most caiefully to provide. We demand a strict and 
steadfast adherence to its provision?. In this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of 
permanent union ai^d peace. 

Fourth. Bnt it is alleged, in jnstitication of the ti^nrpation whioh we condemn, that 
the condition of the Southern States and people is not snch a.'? rend^-r^afe their re-ad- 
mission to a share in the government of the country ; that they are still disloyal in 
sentiment and purpose, and that neither the honor, the credit, nor the intere.-^ts of the 
Nation would be safe if they were re-admitted {o share in its councils. We might reply 
to this — 

First. That we have no right for such reasons to deny to a»y portion of the State* 
or people rights expressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Second. That so long as their acts are those of loj'alty ; so long as they conform in 
all their puMi* conduct to the reiiuirements of tlie Constitution aud laws, we have no 
right to exact from them conformity to their sentiments and opinions to our own. 

Third. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the people of 
the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencies, and by whatever means may 
l>e required, its honor and its welfare. These would, in our judgment, be full and 
conclusive answers ^o the jilea thus advanced for tlie exclusion of these States from the 
Union. But we say, further, that this plea rests upon a complete misapprehension, or 
an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm that there is no 
section of the country where the Constitution rnd laws of the United States find a more 
prompt and entire obedience than in those States and among those people who were 
lately in arms against them, or where there is less purpoee or danger of any futura 
attempt to overthrow tlipir authority. 

It would seem to be rational aud inevitable that in States and sectiout so recently 
swept by the whirlwind of war, where all tlie ordinary modes and methods of organized 
industry have been broken up, and the bonds and influence that guarantee social order 
have been destroyed ; where thousands and tens of thousands ol turbulent spirits have 
been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown without resources or 
restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and when the keen sense of defeat 
is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a 
time the imperfect discipline of law and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the 
patriotic and well disposed. It is unquestionably true that local disturbances of this 
kind, accompanied by more or less of violence, do still occur. But they are confined 
entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different races 
and interests are brought most closely in contact, and where passions aud resentment 
are always mo^t easily fed and fanned into outbreak ; and even that they are quite as 
much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political agitation, as of any hostility on the 
part of the people to the authority of the National Government. But the concurrent 
testimony of those best acquainted with the condition of society and the state of public 
sentiment in tlie South, including that of its representatives in this Convention, estab- 
lishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, witli as full and sin- 
cere submission as do the peo^jle of the other States, the re-established supremacy of 
the national authority, and are prepared, in the luost loyal spirit, and with a zeal 
quickened alike by their interest and their pride, and co-operate with other States and 
sections in whatever may be necessary to defend the rights, maintain the honor, and 
promote thp welfare of our common country. 

Hietory affords no instance where a people so powerful in numbers, in resources, aud 
in public spirit, after a war so long in its duratien, so destructive in its progress, aad 
80 adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good 
faith m has marked the conduct of the people lately in insitrrection against the United 
States. Beyond all question this has been largely due to the wise generosity with 
which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States, aud 
the generals in immediate rommand of our armies, and to the liberal measures which 
were afterwarl-^ taken to restore order, tranquillity, and law, to the States where all 
had for the time been overthrown. No step could have been better calculated to com- 
mand the respect, win tlie confidence, revive the patriotism, and secure the permanent 
and aflTetHionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Constitution and laws of 
the Union than those which have been so firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by 
the President of the United States. 

And if that fonfidencp and loyalty ha,s been since impaired, if the people South are 
to-day leBS candid in that allegiance than they were immediately ti^wn the clotje of the 
war, we belifve it is due to the changed tone of the Legislative Department of the 
Ckneral OovHrnmeDl towards tbem ; to the action by which Coagrese bat? end«>avor©d 



23 

to sitpprei^s and defeat the President's wise and beneficial policy of re:s'iOraMon ; to 
their exclusion from all participation in our common Government ; to the withdrawal 
from them of the rights conferred and guaranteed L-y the Constitution, and to the evi- 
dent purpose of Congress, in the exercise of an usurped and unlawful authority, to re- 
duce them from the ranks of free and equal members of a republic of States, with 
rights and dignities imimpaired, to the condition of conquered provinces and a con- 
quered people, in all things subservient and subject to the will of their conquerors, 
free only to obey laws in making which they are not allowed to share. No people has 
ever yet existed whose loyalty and faith such treatment, long continued, woirid not 
alienate and impair. And the ten millions of Americans who live in the South would 
be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of an heroic ancestry — unfit 
ever to become guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers 
and founders of this Republic — if they could accept, with uncomplaining submissive- 
ness, the humiliations thus sought to be imposed upon them. Resentment of injus- 
tice is always and everywhere essential to freedom, and the spirit wliich prompts the 
States and people lately in Sisurrection — insirrgents now no longer — to protest against 
the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to 
share in the government of a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer assurance of 
the future pewer and freedom of the Republic; for whatever responsibility the South- 
em peopL^ may have incurred in resisting the authority of the National Government, 
and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may be held to answer for as individuals 
before the judicial tribunals of tlie land, and for their condiict as societies and organ- 
ized communities they have already paid the most fearful penalty that can fall on 
•offending States, in the losses, the sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war. 
But whatever may be the guilt or the punishment of the conscious authors of the in- 
surrection, candor and common justice demand concession to the great mass of those 
who became involved in its risks, and acted upon what they deemed to be their duty, 
and in defeno*^ of what they had been taught to believe were their rights, or under a 
compulsion, physical and moral, which they were powerless t© resist. Nor can it be 
amiss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and the losses of this 
war, they have fallen exclusively upon neither section and upon neither party ; that 
they have fallen, indeed, with far greater weight upon those with wliom the war be- 
gun ; that in the death of relatives and friends, the dispersion of families, the disrup- 
tion of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of governments, of law and of 
order, the destruction of property and of forms and modes and means of industry, the 
loss of political, commercial, and moral influence in any shape and form — which great 
calamities we are sure the States and people which engaged in the war against the 
Government of the United States have suffered tenfold more than those wko remained 
in allegiance to its Constitution and laws.- These considerations may not, as they cer- 
tainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States ; but ne humane, 
generous mind will refiise to them very considerable weight in determining the line of 
conduct which the Government of the United States should pursue towards them. 
They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat and 
overthrow they have sustained. They acknowledge and acquiesce in the results to 
themselves and the country which that defeat involves ; they no longer claim for any 
State the right to secede from the Union ; they no longer assert for any State an alle- 
giance paramount to that which is due to the General Government. They have ao- 
oepted the destruction of slavery — abolished it by their State constitutions — and con- 
curred with the States and people of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence 
forever upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. They indicate 
and evince their purpose, just so fast as may be possible and safe, to adapt their do- 
mestic laws to the changed condition of their society, and to secure by the law and its 
tribunals equal and impartial justice to all classes of their inhabitants. They admit 
the invalidity of all acts of resistance to the national authority and of all debts in- 
curred in attempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness to share the burdens 
and discharge all the duties and obligations which rest upon them in common with 
other States and other sections of the Union ; and they renew, through their repre- 
sentatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct in every way, and by the 
more solemn acts by which States and societies can pledge their faith and allegiance, 
through all time to come, to tbe Constitution of the United States, and to all laws 
•which may be made in pursuance thereof. 

Fellow-countrymen, we call upon you, in full reliance upon your intelligence and 
your patriotism, to accept with generous and ungrudging confidence the full surrender 
on the part of those lately in arms against your authority, and to share with them tlie 
honor and renown that await those who bring baok peace aad concord to jarring States. 
The war just cloe^d, with its sorrows and fcastere, lias cpened 3 uew career of glory 



24 

to the nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentimect and of 
interest which were a standing menace to its peace. It has destroyed the institution of 
slavery, always a cause of sectional agitation and strife, and has opened for our coun- 
try the way to unity of interest, of principle, and of action through all time to come. 
It has developed iu both sections a military capacity and aptitute for achievements of 
war, both by sea and by land, before unknown even to ourselves, and destined to ex- 
ercise hereafter, under uuited councils, an important influence upon the character and 
destiny of the continent and the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined, 
compacted our power, it has proveu to us, beyond controversy or doubt, by the course 
pursued towards both contending sections by foreign powers, that we must be the 
guardans of our own independence, and that the principles of republican freedom we 
represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but our- 
selves. 

We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, 
and in the name of Ivl'crty throughout the world, to complete the work of restoration 
and peace which the President of the United States has so well begun, and by which 
the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. 

The time is close at hand when the members of a new Coi]<.'ress are to be elected. 
If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy, and by excluding loyal States and people 
from representation iu its halls shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative 
powers of the Government are now exercised, common prudence compels us to antici- 
pate augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the 
Federal Government, internal dissension, and a general collision of sentiment* and 
pretensions which may renew in a still more fearful shape the civil war from whiih we 
have just emerged We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the recar-, 
rence of so transcendent a calamity. We call upon you in every Congresssioual dis- 
trict of every State to secure the election of members who, whatever other difference 
may characterize their political action, will unite in recognizing the right of every 
State o<" the Union to representation in Congress, and who will admit to seats in either 
branch of every loyal liepresiiitative from every State in allegiance to the-Government 
who may be found by each House, in tlie exercise ef the power conlerred upon it by 
the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned, and (qualified for a seat therein. 

When this shall have been done, the Government will have been restored to its 
integrity, the Constitution of the United States will have been re-estal5lished in its 
full supremacy, and the American Union will have again become what it was designed 
to be by those who formed it — a sovereign nation, composed of separate States, like 
itself moving iu a distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers defined and , 
reserved by a common Constitution, and resting upon the assent, the confiden.'e, and ■ 
co-operation of all the States and all the people subject to its authority. Thus reor- 
ganized and restored to their constitutional relations, the States and the General Gov- 
ernment can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose and a common interest, . 
upon whatever reforms the security of personal rights, the enlargement of personal ■, 
liberty, and tlie perfection of our republican institutions may demand. 

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES. 

The Chair here announced the following names as constituting the National Union 
Executive Committee, the resident Executive Committee at Washington, Ih" Commit- 
tee to Wait on the President, and the Financial Committee : 

COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PKESIDENT, 

Hon. Revekdt Jounson, Chairman ; M<'^ine,W. G. Crosby, Calvin Record ; Now Hamp- 
shire, J. Hosley, J. H. Smith; Vermont, L. Robinson, General Isaac McDaniel ; Massa- 
chusetts, E. C. Bailey, Edward Avery ; Rhode Inland, Amasa Sprague, Gideon Bradford ; 
Connecticut, Jas. K. English, G. H. Hollister; New York, Vivas W. Smith, S. E. Church ; 
New .Jersey, T. 11. Herring, General Theodore Runyon ; Pennsylvania, J. R. Flanigan, 
George W. Cass ; Delaware, Saxe-Gotlia Laws, C. H. B. Day : Maryland, .T. Morrison 
Harris, Isaac D. .Jones ; Virginia, Hon. James Barbour, G. W. Boiling; West Virginia, 
John . J. Thompson, Daniel Lamb; North Carolina, D. M Barringcr, G. Howard ; South 
Carolina, J. L. Manning, James Farrow : Georgia, S. J. Smith, J. L Wimberly ; Florida, 
J. P. Sanderson, J. C. McKibben ; Mississippi, (riles M. Hillyer, H. F. Simrall ; Louisiana, 
T. P. May, William 11. C. King ; Texas, D. J. Burnett, B. H. Epperson : Tennessee, A. 

A. Kyle, D. B. Thomas : Arkansas, John B. Lnce, E. C. Boudinot ; Alabama, Lewis B. 
Parsons, John Gill Shorter; Kentucky, J. W. Stephenson, A. Harding: Ohio, Eeary 

B. Paine, General A. M«D. McCook ; Indiana, General Sol. Msredith, David 8. Gooding ; 
Illinois, General George C. Bates, Hon. W. R. Morrison; Michigan, General C. 0. 



25 

Loomis, Greneral G. A. Custer; Wisconsin, A. W. Curtis, Robert Flint; Iowa, Colonel 
Cyrus H. Mackey, B. B. Richards: Kansas, General H. S. Sleeper, Orliu Thurston; 
California, J. A. McDougall, Colonel Jacob P. Leese ; Nevada, Gideon J. Tucker, JohH 
Carmichael ; Oregon, W. H. Farrar, E. M. Barnuni : District of Columbia, Thomas B. 
Florence, B. T. Swart : Idaho, Hon. H. H. DePuy, S. Cummins : Nebraska, George L. 
Miller, L. Lowrie ; Washington, George D. Cole, C. P. Egan : Minnesota, H. M. Rice, 

D. S. Norton : Missouri, E. A. Lewis, John M. Richardson ; Dakotah, D. T. Bramble, 
L. D. Parmer. 

NATIONAL CMON EXEOJTIVE COMMITTEE. 

Joseph T. Crowell, Chairman ; Maine, James Mann, A. P. Gould ; New Hampshire, 
Edmund Burke, E. S. Cutter; Vermont, B. D. Smalley, Colonel H. N. Worthan ; Mas- 
sachusetts, Josiah Dunham, R. S. Spoiford ; Rhode Island, Alfred Anthony, James H. 
Parsons ; Connecticut, James T. Babcock, D. C. Scranton ; New York, Robert H. Pruyn, 
Samuel J, Tilden ; Pennsylvania, S. M. ZuUck, J. S. Black ; Delaware, J. P. Comegys, 

E. L. Martin ; Maryland, T. Swaun, T. D. Pratt ; Virginia, J. F. .Johnson, E. C. Robin- 
son ; West Virginia, Daniel Lamb, John J. Jackson ; North Carolina, T. S. Ashe, Joseph 
H. Wilsop : South Carolina, J. L, Orr, B, F. Perry ; Georgia, J. H. Christie, T. Harde- 
man jr. ; Florida, Hon. William Marvin, Hon. Wilkinson Call ; Alabama, M. H. Cruik- 
shank, C. C, Huckabee ; Mississippi, William L. Sharkey, G. L. Potter ; Louisiana, Ran- 
dall Hunt, Alfred Hennen ; Arkansas, Lorenzo Gibson, E. H. English ; Texas, B. H. Ep- 
person, John Hancock ; Tennessee, Hon. David T.JPatterson, W. D. Campbell ; Kentucky, 
R. H. Stanton, Hamilton Pope ; Ohio, Lewis D. Campbell, George B. Smythe ; Indiana, 
Hon. David S. Gooding, T. Dowling ; Illineis, General J. A. McClernand, J. 0. Norton ; 
Michigan, Alfred Russell, Byron G. Stout; Missouri, Barton Able, .James S. Rollins ; 
Minnesota, H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton; Wisconsin, S. A. Pease, .J. A. Noonan ; Iowa,- 
George H. Parker, William A. Chase ; Kansas, James L. McDowell, W. A. Tipton; New 
.Jersey, Joseph T. Crowell, Theo. F. Randolph ; Nevada, John Carmichael, G. B. Hall; 

- t'l^.District of Columbia, J. D. Hoover, J. B. Blake; Nebraska, H. H. Heath, J. S. Morton, 
' Wasliington Territory, R. Willard, Elwood Evans ; California, Samuel Pardy, Joseph 
P. Hoge ; Oregon, J. W. Nesmith, B. F. Bonham ; Dakota, W. K. Armstrong, N. W. 
Miner ; Idaho, William H. Wallace, Henry Cummins. 

RESIDENT EXECCTtVa COMMITTEK AT WASHINGTON. . 

Charles Knap, Chairman : Hon. Montgomery Blair, Hon. Charles Mason, Ward H. 
Lamon, John F. Coyle, A. E. Perry. Samuel Fowler, Colonel James R. O'Beirne, 
Cornelius Wendell. 

COKlliTTSE ON FINANCE. 

CuAttLES K^"AP, Chairmaa; Maine, A. W. Johnson, .John Burleigh; New Hamp- 
-;hire, Daniel Marcy, W. N. JJtair. Vermont, R. W. Chase, C. L. Diiveuport ; Massa- 
chusetts, F. 0. Prince, Geoige M. Bcutlay ; Rhode Island, Amasa Sprague, James Water- 
house ; Connecticut, J. H. Ashiui.^aJ, Freeman M. Brown ; N^w York, Abraham Wake- 
man, Richard Schell ; New Jei'sey, J. L. McKnght, Francis S. Lathroj) ; Pennsylvania, 
R. L. Martin, Ileury M. Phillips ; Delaware, Charles Wright, T. F. Crawford ; Mary- 
land, R. Fowler, W. P. Maulsby ; Virginia, Edmund W. Hubbard. George Blow, Jr. ; 
West Virginia, Charles T. Beale. Thomas Sweeney ; North CirolhiA, A. H. Arrington, 

*»:!ifA. McLean ; South Carolina, F.J. Moses, W. Pinkuey Schingler ; Georgia, Lewis Tum- 
lin, William M. Lowry ; Florida, George Scott, W- C. Malouey ; Alabama, Lewis Owen, 
.J. S. Kennedy: Mississippi, E. Pegues, J. A. Bingford : Louisiana, A. M. Holbrook ; 
Arkansas, M." L. Bell, .Johu R, Fellowes : Texas, M. B. Ochiltree, J. Hancock: Tennes- 
see, W. r?. Ferguson, J. William'- ; Kentucky, M. J. Durham. W. W. Baldwin ; Ohio, T. 
E. Canmugham, J. H. James; hidiana. Levi Sparks, M'>«es Drake; Illinois, William 
B. Ogden, Isaac I'ndei'hill ; Michigan. G. C. Monroe, William B. McCreery : Missouri, 
Thomas L. Price. Charles M, EUiard : Minnesota, C. F. Buck. Charles F. Gilman ; 
Wisconsin, .T. B.' Ddf, C. L. Sholes : Iowa. W. D. McHeniy, S. 0. Butlttr ; Kansas, T. 
P. Fit.-^william, G. A. Oolton ; California, John H. Baird, Henry P. Williams; Nevada, 
Frank Hereford, L. H. Newton: Disttict of CokHP.bia, Charles Knap, Esau Pickrell : 
Dakota, J. B. S. Todd, F. C. Dewitt ; Idaho. C. F. Powell. T. W. Betts ; Nebraska, 
James R. Porter, P.B. Becker; Wa.shington. Edward Lander, Elwood Evans ; Oregon, 

'"'^^'%, C. Ainsworth, 0, .Hummason. 

The Secretary having read tiie above li-st of committees — 

Hon. John IIoniN, of Mi.s.^^ouri, said : Mr. Pre-ident, thi? Convention, so glorious a 



26 

pucoees/lias-aQw accempHshed the purpose for which it met, and I move, vou, sir, in 
view of its harm^Trious action, tliat the Convection now adjourn. [Applause.] 

The Puksident. Before putting that motios. the Chair desires to announ/ie two or 
three things connected with what has transpired. 

[At that point a slight contusion ensued, many lae-Hibers seeking to obtain a hear- 
ing.] 

The Pke.-jdext. Let the Convention be in ordor. 

THANKS TO rUE OFFICERS OF THE CONVKKTIOS. 

Mr. ScHELL, of New York. I move that the thanks of this Convention be now 
tendered the President and the officers of this Convention, for the able and impartial' 
manner in which they have discharged their duties. This motion wa.? put by the 
Secretary and carried unanimously. [Applause.] 

THAXKS TO THE REPRESEXTATIVES OF THE PRESS. 

Mr. HoLMEP, of New York. I think it eminently due to the reprefteutatives of the 
press who are present that the thanks of this Convention should be given them. A' 
remarkable feature with their report orial duties has been that each of them, of what- 
ever complexion, whether for or against us, has manfully, correctly, and honestly per- 
formed hie duty. [Applause.] 

The consent of the Coaventiou was obtained to the consideration of this motion, and 
5t wa." unanimously carried. 

PRBSE.VT FF.OM THE PlIILAPKLrHIA JOHXSON CLUB. 

The Pre.'ide.nt. The Chair has received from the president, Geo. Martin, and C. W. 
Alexander, secretary, in behalf of the National Union Johnson Club of the city of 
Philadelphia, a gavel made of the wood of the frigate Constitution. [Applause.] 

HOKORARY JIEJIBERS FROM TUE QERMAN JOIINSOS CLUB OF NEW YORK. 

The Chair is also requested to announce, that it may be entered in the proceedings, 
that the chairman of the German Johnson Central Club of the city of New York has 
presented several names as honorary members of the Convention, which will also take 
place in thp proceedings and be published. 

3IEETING Ol'fsOLDIER AND SAILOR DELEGATES. 

lam rt quested to announce, in behalf of certain gentlemen, that thure will be a 
number of the soldiers and eailois in attendance upon this Convention, in this place, 
at eight o'clock this evening. [Applause.] 

THANKS TOTHECITIZEXS OF rUllADELPHlA. 

Hon. 0. H. BuowNiXG, of Illinois. Mr. President, I move you, sir, that the thanks 
of this Coiivention be extended to the citizens of Philadelphia for their hospitality and 
kindness to its membcis duiing its deliberations. 

A voice, " Good, I second the motion." [Applause.] 

A vote was taken upon this motion, and it was unanimously carried. 

The Secketarv. 1 uni requested to announce by the chairman of the committee ap- 
pointed to wait upon the President, that the committee will meet at parlor C at th« Conti- 
nfintal Hotel at 3 o'clock this afternoon, and that the National Ext^cutive Committee 
will meet at room No. 17 at the Continental Hotel shortly after the adjournment. 

Hon. Revkrdy Johxsox, of Maryland, offered the following resolution, which was read 
ly the Secr-.tfl'-y and unanimously passed by the C<-iavention. 

n:BLICATTON OF rr.OCKEDINGS. f, 

R4^!tf>l'^<i, That a correct copy of the proceedings of tliis Convention be prepared by 
the Se< letary, K. 0. Perrin, and certified to by the President of this Convyulion, for 
publication by the resident committee at Washington City. 

A delegate from Ma>sachu.sett6. I rise to make an amendment to the motion pf ad- 

ournment. It is, that ^\hen this Convention adjourn.s it shall adjourn with three 

oheers for the Constitution and the Union of our fathers, tliree cheers for the President 

oif the United Slates, and three chi^crs for this Convention, that siignalizcs a permanent 

and enduring Union for all tim«. [Applause.] 

TJfeiF Pex.-. pF.vT. Before putting tliat mf^*5on the Chair desires to axinocuiN: that a acta 



27 

•Las bet?u receiv^tfd from Hon. Mr. Dix, Major Geaeral, w.io presided in the prsUmiuary 
proceedings of tlr's Convention, vvtich. will be read. [Enthusiastic applause.] The 
Secretary t'len r...ilthe note, as follows : 

KOTE FROII GENEF.AL DIX. 

Wigwam, AujhsQUIJ, IS55. 
To Saml. J. Tild'-r. Esq., Chairman of the Ntw York Delegatio,' : 

Dkae Sir : I am obliged to return to New York this afternoon on urgent businesa. 
The admirable spirit of harmony and conciliation which pervades the Convention rea- 
ders my presence unnecessary, and leaves me uo other regret than that of being unable 
to witness the close of the proceedings so auspiciously comTnencedandso full of promise 
for future good. » 

Very truly yours, 

J. A. DIX. 
[Loud cheering and applaud.] 

THAJfKS TO THE C0NV2XTI0X B? THE PSE3IDS>T. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention : For the kindness and courtesy with 
which you have sustained the Chair, and to which, by your resolution, you have been 
pleased to allude, I return you my sincere thanks. Before putting that motion, which 
shall terminate the proceeding of this Convention, I shall ask you once more to join 
with the Rev. Mr. Elliott in invoking the benedictions of Almighty God, by whose 
support we are sure of success, but without which we shall inevitably fail. 

Rev. Mr. Elliott then advanced to the front of the stage and delivered the following 
prayer : 

THE CLOSING PKAVEH. 

Thou Great Ruler of the Universe and Author of all peace, and order, and 
harmony, and law in earth and Heaven, it is meet and right that we should bow our 
hearts before Thee on this deeply interesting occasion, and oflfer thanks to Thee, the 
Great Preserver of men and of nations, that we have been permitted to meet together 
after the confusion of years, \inder such favorable auspices, surrounded and protected, 
by that Providence and by that disposition of order and law that is now about as. We 
recogni2e Thy gracious Providence, and offer thanks to Thee, the Author of ail our 
mercies. We thank Thee that Thou hast put it into the hearts of those Thy servants 
to come togetlier and to organize tliemselves into harmony from the various parts of 
this Union, and once more to take the friendly hand and pass the friendly greeting 
with each other in Thy presence, and to renew with hearty sincerity tlieir friendships 
here on earth. Lord God of oar fathers, wlio planted us, who imilt us up, who made 
us great, and kept us united, and by whose gracious will and providence wc are again 
ona peoijle, we oQ'er thanks to Thee for the harmony of this body, for the union of 
hearts that has been manifested throughout this Convention; for lliat conciliation o-f 
.spirit that has beet: seen in all its members and all its proceedings. We thank God. 
for the blessings tliat now crown our nation, and especially for the President of the 
United States, who is so worth}-- of his .situation and position. Lord God Almighty, 
who raiseth and sustainetli. those that are in authority, let Thy blessings come np<>n 
him, and sustain him in his difficult and ardnous task, that he may cirry out to com- 
plete success the plan by which we may become one united and great people now SJid 
perpetually. May the blessing of God rest upon all the committees and upon all the 
resolutions and i;ddresses, and upon all the arrangements by which tueae Thy servants 
propose to carry out the principles of the Union. Lord God. do Thou go with them 
to their >everal States and direct them in all their work. Be witli us and remain 
with us through life, an-l when life is done, may we meet in that place abovf, where 
union is the law that pervades th>i soeiety, and where, uuited, we shall reign immort.U. 
These, with all other blessings, grant ua, t'(.r the sake oi Uim that lived and died to 
save U.S, and to Father, Son, and Holy Ghosl we will ascrl).-.^ prais-a due now and |Dr- 
ever. And may the bks.-'iiigs i»f Almighty God, Father, Sojs, and Hcny Gho^, ree-t 
upon this C'«nven uon. upon thia nation, upon its rulers, now rjnd forever. Amen. 

The Skct.ftarv. I hav« to annouHce to the Convention thai, a^ many of the namefl 
given to the variou.:! oomoiittees have not been distinctly heard, we will hold a session 
at roon 44, at the Contiaentai Hotel, for tht: purpor^d of obtaining all names oorrodt^d 
upon ty»e propor committees bt>fore they receive th-?- aaicJ signature of the Preavdeut 
oi" ihjs Convention. W-? wiJ.l t^ ic tjeisioa aii th? jut'jrn-.'^ja ;*iiJ W-right there. 



28 

TUB FIXAI. ADJOrRNMEXT. 

The Phksidest. Tlie motion is that this Convention do now adjourn without day. 
Thorie in favor of that motion say Aye — unanimons. Those opposed No — none. It is 
carried, .md the Chair does now pronounce this Convention adioiirned without day. 

The wildest enthusiasm ensued, hearty and prolonged cheering b'^ing given for the 
Union, for President Johnson, and for the triumphant succes of the Convention. 

A correct copy of abridged edition. 

J. R. DOOLITTLE, President. 
E. 0. Perrin, Secretary. 



The Hon. Kevekdy Jonxsos, Chairman of the Committee appointed to wait on the 
President of the United States to present him with An authentic copy of the Proceed- 
ings of the National Union Convention, made the following remarks previous to pre- 
senting the same : 

.•^PEECH OF THE UOlT. ' KEVEUDY JOHNSON. 

Mk. President : We are before you as a Committee of the National Ujiion Conven- 
tion, which met in Philadelphia on Tu<ipday, the 14th instant, charged with the duty 
of presenting you with an authenticated copy of it? proceedings. 

Before placing it in your hands, will you permit us to congratulate yon tliat, in the 
object for which the Convention was called, in the enthusiasm with which in every 
State and Territory, the call was responded to, in the unbroken harmony oi its delib- 
erations, in the unanimity with which the principles it has declared were adopted, and 
more especially in the patriotic and constitutional character of the principles them- 
selves, we are conlident that you and the country will lind gratifying and cheering 
evidence that there exists among the people a public sentiment which n^ndors an early 
and complete restoration of the Union, as established by the Constitution, certain and 
inevitable. 

Party faction, seeking the continuance ftf its misrule, may momentarily delay it, but 
the principles of political liberty, for whioli our forefathers euccesslully contended, and 
to secure which they adopted the Constitution, are so glaringly inconsisteni with the 
condition in which the country has been placed by such misriile, that it will not be 
permitted a much longer duration. ' 

We wish, Mir. President, yiu could have personally witnessed the spirit of 
concord and brotherly affection w ach animated every member of the Convention. 
Great as your conlidence ever has been in the intelligence and patriotism of your fel- 
low-citizens, in their deep devotion to the Union, and in their present determination t« 
reinstate and m.aintain it, that 'ontidence woiild have become a positive convic- 
tion if you coiild have seen and lieard all thai was done and said upon the occasion. 
Every heart was evidently full of joy ; every eye beamed witli patriotic animation. 
Despondency gave place to assurance that our late dreadful civil strife, ended, thebiifts- 
ful reign of peace, under the protection, not of arms, but of the Constitution and Lav^s, 
would have sway, and be in every pait of our land clie^rfully acknowledged, and in 
perfect good fciith obeyed, you would not have doubted that the recurrence of danger- 
ous domt^tic insurrection in the fut\ire is not to be apprehended. If you coald have 
seen, sir, the men of Massa<husetts and Soutli Carolina coming into the Convention 
on the first day of its meeting, hand in hand, amidst the rapturous applause of the 
whole body, awakened by heartfelt gratification at the event, filling the eyea of liion- 
sands with tears of joy, wliich they neither could nor desired to suppress, yon woold 
have felt as every person i)resent felt, that the time bad arrived when all sectional or 
other perilous dissension had ceased, and that nothing would \xi heard in the futore 
but the voi(e of harmony, proclaiming devotion to a common country, i»ride in being 
bound together by a common Union, established and protected by forms o» govi-rnmout 
proved by exi)erience to be eminently fitting ii>t the exigencies •f either wax or peaoe. 

In the principles announced by the Convention, and in tlie feeling then- ji.a-iifesled, we 
have every assurance that harmony thruugliout onv entire land will soon prevail. "We 
know that, as in former days, as was eloquently said by VVeb.-ter, the natioii's most gifted 
orator and st.'iteRm.an, Massachusetts and South CAiolina went •' .-houlder to shoulder 
through the Revolution," and stood hand in liand 'Tound the Administralionof Wahii- 
ingtOD, and felt his own great arm lean en tijcro I'or Support, " sowil! tbeyafMin. with Uke 



29 

unianimity, 'levotion, and power, stand round your Administration, and eaiise you to feel 
that you may also lean on them for support. In the proceedings, Mr. President, which 
we are to place in your hands, you will find that the Convention performed the grate- 
ful duty imposed upon them by tlKur knowledge of your "devotion to the Constit-j- 
tion, the laws, and interest of your country," as illustrated by your entire Presidential 
career, of declaring that in you they "recognize a Chief Magistrate worthy of th-'. 
nation, and equal to the great crisis upon whicli your lot is cast." And in this decls- 
ration it gives us unmixed pleasure to add, we are confident that the Convention hary 
but spoken the intelligent and patriotic opinion of tlie country. Ever inaccessible to 
the low influences which often control the mere partizan, governed alone by an honest 
opinion of Constitutional obligations and rights, and of the duty of looking solely to tie 
true interest, safety, and honor of the nation, such a class is incapable of resorting to 
any stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. 

In the measures which you have adopted for the restoration of the Uniony the Con- 
vention saw only a continuance of the policy which, for the same purpose, was in- 
augurated by your immediate predecessor. In his re-election by the people, after thai 
policy had been fully indicated and had been made one of the issues of tlie contest^, 
those of his political friends who are now assailing you for strictly pursuing it are for- 
getful or regardless of the opinions which their support of Ijis re-election necessarily 
involved. Being lapon the same ticket with that much-lamented public servant, whose 
foul assassination touched the heart of the civilized world with grief and horror, yovs 
would have been false to obvious duty if you had Hot endeavored to carry out the- 
same policy. And, judging now by the opposite one which Congress has pursuecl, its 
wisdom and patriotism are vindicated by the fact that that of Congress ha.s but continiied 
a broken Union bj^ keeping ten of the States in which at one time the insurrection existed, 
as far as they could accomplish it, in the condition of subjugated provinces, denying to 
them the right to be represented whilst subjecting their people to every species of legis- 
lation, including taxation. Tl) at such a state of things is at war with the very genius of 
our Government, inconsistent with every idea of political freedom, and most perilous to 
the peace and safety of the country, no reflecting man can fail to believe. We h#pe, 
sir, that the proceedings of the Convention will cause you to adhere, if possible, with 
even greater firmness to the cause which you are pursuing by satisfying you that the 
people are with you, and that the wish which lies nearest to their heart is that a per- 
fect restoration of our Union at the earliest moment be attained, and a conviction that 
that result can only be accomplished by the measures which you are pursuing r, 
and, in the discharge of the duties which these impose upon you, we, as did everj 
member of the Convention, again, for ourselves, individually tender you " our pro- 
found respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support." 

With a reunited Union, with no foot but that of a freeman treading, or permitted to 
tread our soil, with industry renewed, with a Nation's faith pledged forever to a strict 
observance of all its obligations, with kindness and fraternal love everywhere prevail- 
ing, the desolations of war will soon be removed, its sacrifices of life, sad as they haye 
be'>n, will, with a f "iiristian resignation, be referred to a Providential purpose of lixkig 
our beloved country on a firm and endurable basis, which will forever place our liberty 
and happiness beyond the reach of human peril. 

Then, too, and forever will our rxovernment challenge the admiration and receive; 
the respect of the Nations of the World, and be in no danger of any effort to impair 
our rights, or to impeach our honor ; and permit me, sir, in conclusion, to add that^ 
great as is your solicitude for the restoration of our domestic peace, and engrossing as 
are your labors to that end, we rejoice to see that you keep also a watchful eye upon 
the rights of the Nation : and that, as far as depends iipon j'ou, any attempt by an as- 
S'omed or actual foreign power to enforce an illegal blockade " against the Govern- 
ment or citizens of the United States" Cto use your own mild but expressive wordsy 
•• will be disallowed." 

In this determination I am sure I speak but the voioe of the Nation wlj§n I say^tha*. 
you will receive the unanimous approval of your fellow-citizens. New, sir, as tb©- 
Chairman of this Committee, and in behalf of the Convention, I have the honoi liO' 
present you with an auth'^nticated copy of its proceedings. 

The PuEsuiENT replied as follows : 

RETLT OF TBK •pRESrI)E^'T. 

Mr. V]. airman and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

Language is inadequate to express the emotions and feelingB produc-»?d by this ocor- 
sion. Perhaps I could express more by permitting silence to speak and you to infeT 
what I ought to say. 1 confess that, notwithstanding the experience I have l»ad i©. 



30 

public iitV, and the audiences I have addressed, this occasioa and this assemblage are 
caKulatfd to, and do, overwhelm me. As I have said. I have not language to coavey 
adetiuatt^lj luy present feelings aui emotions. 

In listeuin;^ to the address which your eloquent and distinguished chairman has just 
delivered, the iironeedings of the Convention, as they transpired, recurred to my mind. 
Seeminjcly, 1 partook of the inspiration that prevailed in the Convention when I re- 
ceived a despatch, sent b}' two of its distinguished members, conveying in terms the 
scene whicli has just been described, of South Carolina and Massachusetts, arm in arm. 
marching into that vast assemblage, and thus giving evidence that the two extremes 
had come together again, and that for the future they were united, as they had been 
in the past, for the preservation of the Union. When I was thus informed that in 
that vast body of men, distinguished for intellect and wisdom, every eye was suf- 
fused with tears on beholding the scene, I could not linish reading the despatch to 
•ne associated with me in the office, for my own feelings overcame me. [Applause.]^ 
think we may justly, conclude that we are acting under a proper inspiration, and 
Vat we need not be mistaken that the finger of an overruling and unerring Providence 
in this great movement. 

The nation is in peril. We have just passed through a mighty, a bloody, a moment- 
QS ordeal, and yet do not find ourselves free from the difficulties and dangers that at 
rst surrounded us. While our brave soldiers, both officers and men, [turning to 
General Grant, who stood on the right,] have by their heroism won laurels imperisha- 
ble, there are still greater and more importaMt duties to perform : .nnd while we have 
had their cooperation in the field, now that they have returned to civil jjursuits, we 
need their support in our efforts to restore the Government and perpetuate peace. 
[Applause.] So far as the Kxecutive Department of the Government is concerned, the 
eflbrt has been made to restore the Union, to heal the breach, to pour oil into the 
wounds which were consequent upon the struggle, and ("to speak in common phrase,) 
to prepare, as the learned and wise physici.an would a plaster, healing in character 
and coextensive with the wound. [.-Applause.] We thought, and we think, that we 
had partially succeeded : but as the work progresses, as reconciliation seemed to be 
taking place, and the country was becoming reunited, we found a disturbing and mar- 
ring element opposing us. In alluding to that element, I shall go no further than 
your Convention and the distinguished gentleman who has delivered to me the report 
of its proceedings. I shall make no reference to it that I do not believe the time an4 
the occasion justify. 

"We have witnes.^ed in one department of the Government every endeavor to prevent 
the restoration of peace, harmony, and Union. We have seen hanging upon the verge 
of the Government, as it were, a body called, or which assumes to be, the Congress of 
Wie United States, while in fact it is a Congress of only a part of the States. We have 
seen this Congress pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to 
perpetuate disunion rmd make a disruption of the States inevitable. Instead of pro- 
moting reconciliation and harmony, its legislation has partaken of the character of 
penalties, retaliation, and revenge. This has been the course and i)olicy of one portion 
of your Government. 

The humble individual who is now addressing you stands the representative of 
another department of the Gove-rnment. The manner in which he was called upon to 
occupy that position I shall not allude to on this ooca-sion. Suffice it to say, that he is 
here under tln' Constitution of the country, and being here by virtue of its provisions, 
he takes his stand upon th;»t charter of our liberties as the great rampart of civil and 
religious liberty. [Prolonged cheering.] Having been taught in my e.nrly life to hold 
it sacred, and having done so during my whole public career, I slxiU ever continue 
te reverence the Coiwtitution ol my fathei-s, and to make it my guide. [Hearty 
applause.] 

I know it has been s.aid ("and I must be permitted to indulge in thn rem.ark) that 
the Kxecutive Department wf tl.e <TOvernment has been despotic and tyrannical. Let 
me ask this audience of distin;,-uLshed gentlt»men to jwint to a vote I ever gave, to a 
speech I e^'er made, to a single act of my whole public life that h.i-s not been agairu-t 
tyranny and despotism. What position have I ever occupied — what ground have I 
ever as.sunied when- it can be truthfully cliarged that I failed to advocate the ameliora- 
tion and elevation of the great masses of my countrymen? [Cries of " Never," and 
great appl.ul.^e.] 

Solar a;i charges of this kind are concerned, they are simply intend-'d to delude the pub- 
lic mind !nto the belief that it is nut tin' designing in^-u who make such aicusations, but 
some one >).-<►- in power who is usurping and trampling upon the rights r-.nd p*»rverting 
»-be prin"i|ile9 of tiie CorL-<tit'.itioD. It is done by them lo^r the purpose of iwvering their 
9wa avtj. ["That'd b<'.'" and applaase :] and I hare felt it my duty, in Ttudicatli.>a 



81 

of principle, to call the attention of my ooantryinen to their proceedings. When we 
oome to examine who bas been playing the part of the tyrant, by whom do we find 
despotism exercised? -\s to my:-elf, the elements of my nature, the pursuits of my 
life, have not made me either in my feelings or in my practice aggressive. My nature, 
on the contrary, is rather defeiLsive in its character ; but having taken my stand upon the 
broad principles of liberty and the Constitution, there is not power enough on eaith to 
drive me from it. [Loud and prolonged applau=e.] Having placed myself upon that 
broad platform, I have not been awed or dismayed or intimidated by either threats or 
encroachments, but have stood there in conjunction with patriotic spirits, sounding the 
tocsin of alarm when I deemed the citadel of liberty in danger. [Great applause.] 

I said on a previous occasion, and repeat now, that all that was necessary in this 
great contest against tyranny and despotism was that the struggle should be sufficiently 
audible for the -American people to hear and properly understand the issues it involved. 
Tliey did hear, and looking on and seeing who the contestants were, and what the 
struggle was about, determined that they would settle this question on the side of the 
Constitution and of principle. [Cries of "That's so," and applause.] I proclaim 
here to-day, as I have on previous occasions, that my faith is in the great mass of the 
people. In the darkest moment of this struggle, when the clouds seemed to be most 
lowering, my faith, instead of giving way, loomed up through their gloom ; for, beyond, 
I saw that all would be well in the end. My countrymen, we all know that, in the 
language of Thomas Jeflerson, tyranny and despotism can be exercised and exerted 
mere effectually by the many than the one. We have seen Congress gradually en- 
croach step by step upon constitutional rights, and violate, day after day and month 
after month, fundamental principles of the Government. [Cries of •■ That's so," and 
applause.] We have seen a Congress that seemed to forget that there was a limit to 
the sphere and scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress in a minority assume to 
exercise power which, if allowed to be consummated, would restilt in despotism or 
monarchy itself. [Enthusiastic apj)lau3e.] This is truth, and because others, as well 
as myself, have seen proper to appeal to the patriotism and republican feeling of the 
country, we have been denounced in the severest terms. Slander upon slander, 
vituperation itpon vituperation of the most virulent character, has made its way 
through the press. TV hat, gentlemen, has been your and my sin? What has been 
the cause of our offending ? I will tell you : Daring to stand by the Constitution of 
our fathers. 

Mr. Chairman, I consider the proceedings of this Convention equal to, if not more 
important than those of any convention that ever assembled in the United States. 
[Great applause.] When I look upon that collection of citizens coming together vol- 
untarily, and sitting in council with ideas, with principles and views commensurate 
with all the States, and co-extensive with the whole people, and contrast it with a Con- 
gress whose policy, if persisted in; will destroy the country. I regard it as more im- 
portant than any Convention that has sat— at least since 1787. [Renewed applause.] 
I think I may also say that the declarations that were there made rre equal to those 
contained in the Declaration of Independence itself, and I here to-day pronounce tliea 
a second Declaration of Independence. [Cries of "Glorious," and "most enthusiastic 
and prolonged applause.] Your address and declarations are nothing more nor less 
than a reafiirmation of the Constitution of the United States. [Cries of " Good," and 
applause.] 

Yes, I will go farther, and say that the declarations you have made, that the princi- 
ples you have enunciated in your address, are a second proclamation of emancipation 
to the i>eople of the United States. [Renewed applause.] For, in proclaiming and re- 
proclaiming these great truths, you have laid down a coustitutionaLplatform on which 
all, without reference to party, can make common cau<e, engage in u .common effort to 
l«-eak the tyranny which the dominant party in Congress has so relentingly exercised, 
and stand united together for the restoration of the State's and the preservation of the 
Government. The question only is the salvation of the conntiT ; for our country ri.ses 
above all party consideration or intlaences. [Ciies of " Good," and applause.] How 
many are there in the United States that now require to be free ? They have the 

in 
that 
ipation to the people of the United 
ttates, and offers a common ground upon which all patriots can stand. [Applause.] 
In this connexion, Mr. Chainnan and gentlemen, let me ask what have I to gain 
more than the advancement of the public welfare ? I am as much opposed to the 
indulgence of egotism as any one : lut here, in a conversational manner, while for- 
mally receiving the proceedings of l-ils Convention, I may be permitted again to inquire 
wliat 1 have gaineJ, except oue tl -■.•--thf. ..onsummalion of the -creat -,vork of r.sto- 




32 

ration ? My race it nearly rua . I Lave been pla<.'ed iu the high office which I occupy 
by the Cou.^titutiou of the country, and I may say that I have held, from lowest to 
highest, aluiOtst every station to which a man may attain in our Government. I have 
paesed through every posit^u, from Alderman of a village to the Presidency of the 
United States. And surely, gentlemen, this should be enough to gratify a reasonable 
aanbition. 

If I had wanted authority, or if I had wished to perpetuate my own power, how 
easily could I have held and wielded that which was placed in my hands by the measure 
called the Freedmen's Bureau Bill I [Laughter and applause.] "With an army which 
it placed at rny discretion I could haw remained at the Capital of the Nation, and with 
fifty or siiity millions of appropriations at my disposal, with the machinery to be 
unlocked by my own hands, with my satraps and dependents in every town and village, 
with the Civil Rights Bill following as an auxiliary, [laughter,] and with the patron- 
age and other appliances of the Government, I could have proclaimed myself Dictator. 
['' That's true !" and applause.] 

But, gentlemen, my pride and my ambition have been to occupy that position which 
retains all power in the hands of the people. [Great cheering.] It is upon them I 
have always relied : it is upon them I rely qow. [A voice : " And the people will not 
disappoint you."] And I repeat, that neither the taunts nor ji^ers of Congress, nor of 
a subsidized, calumniating press, can drive me from my purpose. [Great applause.] 
I acknowledge no superior except my God, the author of my existence, and the people 
of the United States. [Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.] The commands of the 
one I try to obey as best I can, compatible with poor humanity. As to the other, in a 
political and representative sense, the high behests of the people have always been, 
and ever will be, respected and obeyed by me. [Applause.] 

Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I intended to say. For the kind allusion to 
myself, contained in your address, I thank you. In this crisis, and at the present 
period of my public life, I hold above all price, and shall ever recur with feelings of 
profound gratification, to the resolution containing the endoi-sement of a convention 
emanating spontaneously from the great mass of the people. With conscientious con- 
viction as my courage, the Constitution as my guide, and my faith in the people, I 
trust and hope that my future action may be such that you and the Convention you 
ref)resent may not regret the assurance of confidence you hav« so generously ex- 
pressed. ["We are sure of it."] 

Before separatinp^, my friends, one and all, please accept my heartfelt thanks for 
tiie kind mauifestarions of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion. 



National Union Kxecotivi; Committee, Au(jv.st 22, 1SG(>. 
The Chairmain of the National Union Executive Committee, in conformity with a 
resolution adopted at a meeting of the Committee, held at Philadelphia, August 16, 
186G, appoints the following members of the Committee to constitute a Sub-Committee, 
with power to act in matter; relating to the pending campaign : 
Col. James P. Barcock, New Haven, Conn. 
Hon. Robrkt H. PKuvy, Albany, N. Y. 
m ^ Gen. Samuel M. Zdlick, Philad»^lphia. Pa. 
* Hon. Tuoa. G. Vnxst, Baltimore, Md. 

Hov. .TEssn O. N ikton, Chicago, III, 
Babton Able, Ksq., St. Louis, Mo. 
Hon. Wm. L. Suakkky, .Jackson, MiSH. 

JOSEPH T. CROWBLL, 

Chairman Xationa! Union Ex<rutive Committee, 
Rauway, N. J. 



■NoTB. — On account of the urgent dt-mand for the ProceedingH of the Conveution, an 
abridged edition can only b<; publi.-h«<l at this time. 

The f'iU Proceedings, containing a i;.st of Delegate--, with. letters of Hon. Rob,ert C. 

Wiathrop. Thomas Ewing, William G. Rives, and otUerp, will be issaed in pamphlet 

farm at a. er..rlv a date a.- practicable. 

E. 0. PERRIN. 



7 




\J V 



LIST OF DEI.EGA.TES 

,fcKi 
.Vt.\- ' ' IgMflfif.' TO THE 

NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 

HELD AT PHILADELPHIA. 



■y^m ,«iMIW .Tf MAINE. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Judge R. D. Rice, Colonel A. W. Johnfon, Leonard Woods, L.L.D., Governor Wil- 
liam G. Crosby, Colonel James Mann, Hon. John H. Burleigh, Hon. T. J. Southard, 
Bion Bradbury. 

r DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

•* First District. — Governor H. Knight, Captain H. H. Burbank, Hon. N. S. Littlefield, 
." Y Hon. Ichabod G. Jordan. 

•*' Second District. — Hon. Solon Chase, Colonel Z. Robinson, William D. Sewall, 
• ' Calvin Ricord. 

Third District. — A. G. Gould, George C. Getchel, Hon. Solyman Heath, W. M. E. 
Brown, Wynian B. S. Moore, Geo. S. C. Dow. 

Fourth District. — Paul S. Merrill, Dr. George W. Ladd, George M. Weston, Lemuel 
Bursley. 

Fifth District. — Hon. Charles J. Abbott, General Thomas Staples, Hon. John C. Tal- 
bot, William H. Simpson. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Caleb B. Bowers, Edward S. Cutter, Nathaniel H. Clement, Edmund Eurke, Harry 
Bingham, Daniel Marcy, Joseph Q. Roles, Edmund M. Webber. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — Joseph H. Smith, E. A. Hibbard, James M. Lavering, William N. 
Blair. 

Second District. — John Hosley, Henry P. Rolfe, Asa P. Cate, Edward W. Harrington. 

nird District. — Joshua D. Colony, William Burns, Charles J. Amidou, Russel 
Jar vis. i 

HONORARY DELEGATES. 

Alex. F. Tilton, J. M. Hill, S. W. Clark, W. P. Wheeler, J. C. Sinclair, J. W. 
Scranton. 

VERMONT. 

DKLEGATES AT LARGE. 

T. P. Redfield, Henry Keyes, E. J. Phelps, Giles Harrington, H. R. Beardsley, An- 
drew Tracy, Lucius B. Peck, J. H. Williams. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

Hrst District. — Isaac McDaniols, George M. Fisk, Dr. J. M. Comegys, Dr. Z. Bass, 
George H. Simmond. 

Second District. — Charles N. Davenport, Colonel H. N. Worthen, T» J. Cree, Major 
S. J. Allen. 

Third District — Daniel C. Linsley, J. J. Deavitt, L. RcbinsoD, J. L. Edwards. 



ALTERX.VTES. 

Hiram Atkius, Heury Chase, B. B. Smalley, E. F. Perkins, A. S. Hyde, Daniel Til- 
den, Colonel A. R. Andross, Colouel F. G. Butterfield, George W. Farwell, L. L. Wright, 
John Welch, Edward ViUette, S. C. Harvey, J. W. French, Dudley P. Hall, Captain J. 
O. Livingston, R. W. Chase, N. H. Armington, Waldo Bingham, Dr. L. Oilman. 

^ . MASSACHUSETTS. 

DELEOATES AT LARGE. 

R. S. Spofford, J. Q. Abbott, Isaac Davis, General D. W. Couch, General William 
Sutton, M. D. Field, Farley Hammond, E. C. Bailey. 

DISTRICT DKLEUATES. 

First District.— E. W. Pierce, J. D. Finney, Mathias Ellis, Robert B. Hall. 

Second District. — A. M. Ide, Edward Avery, Charles Albro, Moses Bates. 

Third District. — General John L. Swift, Charles L. Woodbury, Josiah Dunhan, 
William Aspiuwall. 

Fourth District. — J. R. Spinney, Seth Adams, Joseph M. Wightman, Q. W. A. 
Norris. 

Fifth District.— Oteorge T. L. Colby, William C. Binny, William D. Northend, Timo- 
thy Davis. 

Sixth District. — Colonel B. F. Watson, James H. Carlton, Charles Thompson, F. 0. 
Prince. 

Seventh District. — S. P. Hanscom, E. A. Alger, Daniel Witherbee, W. S. Messervay. 

Ei()hth District. — Daniel W. Lincoln, George Q. Parker, C. W. Wilder, George W. 
Bentiey. 

Ninth District. — W. H. Fuller, James Esterbrook, J. Otis Hale, Philander Cobb. 

Tenth District.— Thom&a Allen, Charles Wright, Charles T. Stevens, L. F. Gushing. 

ALTEKXATES. 

Colonel Albert Fearing, H. H. Stevens, N. Starbuck, J. F. Redfield, Colonel Charles 
Kimball, Waldo Colburn, A. Mason, T. Ingraham, N. Perkins, J. R. Brackett, S. B. 
Thaxter, J. S. Burrell, G. W. Howard, Samuel R. Spinney, A. M. Giles, J. G. 
€hase, A. S. Waitt, T. J. Clark, J. J. Ladd, G. S. Chesboro, Joseph R. Hayes, A. B. 
Farr, F. Tuttle, J. Fuller, H. A. Aldrich, P. Hammond, Charles W. Chase, Ira Jokuson, 
Charles E. Sweeny, Stephen Dow, S. 0. Lamb, E. Dickenson, L. Heywood, L, Jaquith, 
A. C. Russell, J. L. Colby, E. Gaylord, C. W. Knox. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

DELEGATES AT LARGB. 

William Beach Lawrence, Amasa Sprague, Alfred Anthony, Ariel Ballon. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — Thomas Steere, James H. Parsons. 
Second District. — James Waterhouse, Gideon Bradford. 

CONNECTICUT. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

James Dixon, James F. Babcock, Edward Prentis, Lyman W. Coe, James E. English, 
Lorenzo P. Waldo, Origen S. Seymour, James A. Ilovey. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — James H. Ashmead, William H. Green, Freeman M. Brown, Edward 
S. Cleveland, A. R. Goodrich, George D. Hastings, Leverett E. Pease, George M. 
Ives. 

Second Di-itrict. — John Kendrick, John B. Robertson, E. C. Scranton, 0. F. Win- 
chester, Ely A. Elliott, Henry (t. Hubbard, Auj^ustus Putnam, Colonel J. B. Cook. 

Tliird Jfisirirt. — Thomas Clark, James B. Coit, Joseph G. Lamb, James A. Bill, 
Charity? Adams, Georgn Leavens, Josiah Perkins, M. H. Sanger. 

Fourth District. — William P. Jones, James S. Taylor, Jonathan Godfrey, Seth S. 
Logan, Edward B. Hughes, William H. Barnum, Gideon H. HoUistor, P. C. Sedgwick. 

NEW YORK. 

DBLXOATES AT LABOC. 

Hon. Jol n A. Dix, Hon. Henry J. llayinond, Hon. Charles G. Myers, Hon U. S. 
Comstock, Hon. Samuel J. Tildeu, Hon. William Kelly, Hon. John Striker, Hon. S. K. 
Church. 



35 

DISTEICr DELBCIATE9. 

First District. — William H. Ludlow, E. 0. Perrin, T. A. Jercime, Alban C. Stimers. 
Second District. — Martin Kalbfleich, Francis Finch, Calvin E. Pratt, A. M. Wood. 
Third District. — James Buckley, E. J. Lowber, Thomas Kinsella, W. E. Robinson. 
Fourth District. — John Savage, Richard Schell, Frederick A. Talmadge, Piere C. Van 
Wick. 

Fifth District. — E. Delafield Smith, Alexander W. Bradford, Nelson Taylor, Samuel 
R. Kirkham. 

Sixth District.— R. M. Blatchford, Hugh Gardner, Charles P. Daly, Robert D. Holmes, 
Seventh District. — Abram D. Russell, A. B. Rollins, William Boardman, Clement. 
Watts. 

Eighth District. — Thomas E. Smith, A. J. Dittenhoeflfer, John E. Burrell, George W^ 
McLean. 

Ninth District. — Hosea B. Perkins, H. A. Cargill, A. J. M. Pennington, Homer 
Franklin. 

Tenth District. — Silas Seymour, James P. Saunders, Benjamin Brandreth, Abram 
Hyatt. 

Eleventh District. — John W. Brown, John C. Holley, George M. Grier, Isaac Anderson. 
Twelfth District. — Homer A. Nelson, Henry A. Tilden, H. H. Heusti?, C. Wheaton. 
Thirteenth District. — Marius Schooumaker, S. A. Givens, D. K. Olnej, Frederick R. 
Cooke. 

Fourteenth Diitrict. — Robert H. Pruyn, Charles Goodyear, Franklin Townsend, Alfred 
Van Sanford. 

Fifteenth District. — Gideon Reynolds, Charles Rodgers, Thomas B. Carroll, James S. 
Smart. 

Sixteenth District. — Thomas S. Gray, A. C. Hand, Robert S. Hale, Lot Chamberlain, 
Seventeenth District. — Albert Andrus, William J. Averel, A. Hopkins, D. S. Robert- 
son. 

Eighteenth District. — Henry Churchill, George Briggs, P. B. Yates, Simoon Sammons. 
Nineteenth District. — Benjamin F. Rexford, Nelson K. Wheeler, C. D. Fellows, Alfred 
Clarke. 

Twentieth District. — Alvin H. Hall, George D. Brown, George Ashley, E. S. Lansing. 
Twenty-first District. — Theodore S. Faxton, Peter Cloger, Daniel Upley, Palmer V. 
Kellogg. 

Twenty-second District. — Thomas Barlow, C. H. Beckwith, H. H. Coats, Max B. 
Richardson. 

Twenty-third District. — Vivus W. Smith, John J. Peck, Charles F. Williston, Samuel 
T. Smith. 

Twenty-fourth District — George Humphreys, A. B. Williams, John S. Clark, George 
W. Cuyier. 

Tiuenty-fifth District. — Marcena R. Patrick, Daniel H. Abell, E. B. Jones, Edward P. 
Fuller. " 

Twenty-iixth District. — B, F. Tracy, George Bartlett, Frederick Davis, Jr., E. K. 
Apgar. '' 

Twenty-seventh District. — John Arnot, James Dunn, Robert Campbell, Ira Cutler. 
J'wenty-tighth District. — Daniel H. Cole, George C. Munger, Edwin F. Brown, Wm. C. 
Rowley. 

Twenty-ninth District. — William G. Bryan, Eswald Bond, .Tames Jackson, Jr., L. W. 
Thayer. 

Thirtieth District. — Wm. G. Fargo, L. K. Plimpton, Alexander W. Harvey, William 
Williams. 

Thirty-first District — Charles H. Lee, Charles E. Weeks, II. J. Miner, William P. 
Angel. 

The following persons, upon the recommendation of the Committee on Credentials, 
were admitted to honorary seats in the Convention : 

Hon. Ely P. Norton, Hon. W. B. Maclay, Hon. "Vfm. P. Lee, Hon. James Moncrief, 
P. C. Ackerman, Lewis W. Maires, Ed. B. Falconer, Hon. Stephen M. Taber, Hon. E. 
M. Hubbell, Hon. Conrad Swackhamer, Joseph Strauss, William Wirt Hewit, Charles 
Schleir. 

UXITED SERVICE SOCIETY. 

Fourth District. — Colonel J. B. Freeman, Colonel M. W. Burns, Colonel .Tames D. 
Poller, Major Michael Doran. 

Hfth District. — Major Geo. W. Warner, Captain G. L. Goulding, Captain J. Eller, 
General C. R. McDonald, 

Sixth TJisirict.—llaiov Eugene Magrath, Captain Wm. H. Nash, Captain R. S. Wat- 
son, General J. H. flobart Ward. 



' 36 

Stvfnlh District.— Gener&l John Cochran, General Daniel F. Crowley, General F. G. 
Ellendorf. 

Eiffhth District.— dener&l Wm. L. Hillyer, Major Geo. M. Van Hosen, Mortpn Smith, 
Captain, Jno. J. Glrason. 

Ninth District. — General Jno. D. McGregor, General Jno. E. Bendix, General Wm. 
"Wilsoa, Colonel James J. Mooney. 

Twenty-fourth District. — Major J. M. Guion. 

TiL-enty-ffih District.— ^x'lgdAiti General J. S. Platun, Colonel J. H. Underhill, Major 
B. F. Thurbur, 

NEW JERSEY. 

DELEGATES AT LAROB. 

John P. Stockton, Joel Parker, Theodore Ruuyon, Thomas McKean, Thomas H. Her- 
ring, Timothy Henderson, Joseph T. Crowell, E. J. C. Atterbury. 

DISTBICT DBLBOATES. 

First District. — Colonel J. E. Payton, Clarkson Ogden, Abraham Browning, Nathan 
T. Statton. 

Second District — John L. McKnight, Colonel T. S. Allison, Gersham Mott, George F. 
Fort. 

Third District. — Colonel Ingham Caryell, G. B. Adrian, F. A. Patersen, Alexyider 
Wurtfl. 

Fourth District. — Edward C. Moore, Ashbel Green, Francis J. Lathrop, Robert Hamil- 
ton. 

Mfth District. — Robert Gilchrist, Jr., D."iniel M. Wilson, Theodore Randolph, Moses 
Bigelow, Thomas W. Maires, Charles F. Rush. 

ALTEKNATBS. 

G. H. Armstrong, Samuel W. Plumer, William G. Cook, John L. Linton, W. H. 
Jacques, Colonel M. H. Beaumont, George Gage, Colonel C. M. Zulick, Oliver S. Hai- 
stead, Jr., Charles Moore. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

DEI/EGATE.S AT LABOE. 

Hon. Edgar Cowan, Hon. William F. Johnston, Joseph R. Flanigan, H. W. Tracy, 
Governor David R. Porter, Governor William Bigler, Governor William F. Packer, 
Chief Justice George W. Woodward. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — Hon. James Campbell, George M. Wharton, Joseph Orr, S. J. Ran- 
dall. 

Second District. — Colonel W. C. Patterson, Hon. Richard Vaux, J. W. Lynn, J. L. 
Husband. 

Third District. — Hon. Daniel M. Fox, Hon. John Robbins, S. Snyder Leidy, General 
S. M. Zulich. 

Fourth District. — Hon. Ellis Lewis, Hon. Charles Brown, 0. P. Cornman, C. PuUen- 
ger. 

Fifth District. — General W. W. H. Davis, John G. Brenner, George Lear, H. R. 
Cogg.-hall. 

Sixth District. — Hon. John D. Stiles, Colonel Owen Jones, Captain .James Boyd, M. 
H. Horn. 

Sccenth District. — Hon. George G. Leiper, Hon. John A. Morrison, Robert L. Martin, 
Snmucr Sti^bbins. 

Ei(jhth District. — Jeremiah Hagcman, Charles Kessler, J. B. Warner, Charles Davis. 

yin/h District. — Hon. Isaac E. Heister, H. M. North, W. M. Strickler, Jolm Lever- 
good. 

Tinth District. — Hon. F. W. Hughes, Grant Wideman, John Early, Colonel Henry 
Pleasants. 

EUventh District.— Kon. Asa Packer, Colonel W. H. Hutter^ Edward L. Wolf, J. N. 
Hutchinson. 

Ticel/th District.— GcnvTa,\ E. L. Dana, John Blanding, Colonel H. B. Wright, D. L. 
O'Neil. 

Thirteenth District. — Colonel W. H. Ent, Hon. C. L. Ward, Colonel Elhanan Smith, 
General William Pattoii. 

Fourteenth Di.^trict. — Edmund S. Doty, Hamilton Alrioks, Colonel T. C. McDowell, 
William M. Allison. 



Fifteenth District. — Hon. J. S. Black, Hon. Samuel Hepburn, R. M. Stevenson, H. S. 
Sukensback. 

Sixteenth District. — William McLellan, Hon. William P. Scbell, Jolin W. Deal, H. 
B. Woods. 

Seventeenth District. — General William H. Irwin, Hon. C. L. Pershing, Colonel Qraflfus 
Miller, Colonel John Hamilton. 

Eighteenth District. — Colonel Phalon Jarrett, Hon. James Gamble, Thomas P. Sim- 
mons, Colonel Jacob Sallad. 

Nineteenth District. — Hon. James T. Leonard, James B. Graham, Judge S. Marvin, 
General E. C. Wilson. 

Twentieth District. — General A. B. McCalmont, Hon. Gaylord Church, J. M. Bonham, 
John B. Hayes. 

Twenty-first District. — Hon. H. D. Foster, General Richard Colter, Samuel H. Smith, 
D. R. Davidson. 

Twenty-second District. — General J. B. Sweitzer, George P. Hamilton, Samuel McKee, 
Harry A. Weaver. 

Twenty-third District. — Hon. George W. Cass, Colonel William Sirwell, Colonel 
Samuel McKelvy, J. R. Butterfield. 

Twenty-fourth District. — Hon. Jesse Lazier, Archibald Robertson, Edward Campbell, 
J. A. J. Buchanan. 

ALTERNATKS. 

John H. Sawyer, C. R. WilHams, B. Rush Bradford, General W. H. Blair, John B. 
Minton, George W. Nebinger, George Martin, Wm. Eckfeldt, Tilghman Good, W. Cooper 
Tally, M. M. Burnett, H. Richards, C. H. Drake, C. M. Minor, John J. Carey, J. H. 
Huslett, JohnR. Gratz, R. B. McCoy, P. M. Hackenburg, George Zinnel, H. A. Gless- 
ser. Major G. H. Bardwell, J. N. Wright, A. W. Meyers, James Sweeney, F. M. Kinter, 
Alexander J. Rogers, Daniel Robinson, James Blackmore, James Lowry, Jr., Captain E. 
Lyons, Joseph C. Rupple. 

f DELAWARE. 

DELEGATES AT LAKGE. 

Hon. Joseph P. Comegys, Joseph M. Barr, Ayres Stockly, Edward L, Martin, Chaslefi 
H. B. Day, Charles Wright, Cornelius J. Hall, Sax Gotha Laws. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

Theodore F. Crawford, John 'fharp, William 0. Redden, Dr. F. V. Crawford. 

The following persons were admitted, by recommendatioa of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials, to honorary seats in the Convention : 

Samiuel Townsend, Albert Ne,wton, Robert A. Cocliran, Thomas L. Ogle, Benjamin T. 
Biggs, Thomas D. Giboon, George W. Smith, Aquilla Derricksou, Samuel D. Chandler, 
Levi Ruth, 

MARYLAND. 

DELEGATES AT LAEGE. 

Hon. Thomas Swann, Montgomery Blair, J. W. Crisfiold, Reverd^' Johnson, Thomas 
G. Pratt, Henry H. G. S. Key, Richard B. Carmichael, Isaac D. Jones. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — Colonel George Vicars, Hon. John R. Franklin, Joseph A. Weeks, 
Daniel M. Henry. 

Second District. — General James L. Ridgely, Hon. J. Morrison Harris, Richari Gra- 
son, H. W. Archer. 

Third District — Colonel William H. Purnell, J. V. L. Findley, J. Nevitt Steele, 
William H. Collins. 

Fourth District. — Colonel William P. Maulsby, General J. C. Sullivan, E. H. Wiles, 
J. Pouder. 

Fifth District.— Rohevt Fowler, W. W. Watkins, G. M. Watkins, J. D. Bowling. 

VIRGINIA. 

STATE AT LAKGE. 

George W. Boiling, Thomas S. Flournoy, John W. Brockenborough, George Blow, Jr» 



-. .11 ,.n. - 

J, ,_ DISTRICT DKLKGATE?, 

First District. — Charles R. Mallory. 

Second District. — Thomas AVallace, John R. Kilby, K. C. Robmson, G. D. Parker. 

Tliird Di.itrict,-:-.]a.mes Barbour, John L. Marje, Jr. 

Fourth District. — E. W. Hubbard. 

Fifth District. — James F. Johnson. 

Sixth District. . 

Seventh District. — Edgar Snowden, Richajrd H. Parker. 
Eighth District. — Windham Robertson. 

ALTERKATKS. 

W. J. Robertson, Charles L. Mosby, Willoughby Newton. H. B. Tomblin, G. D. Par- 
ker, Thomas A. Smith, A. M. Kilbv, Thomas H. Dani«l. Z. Turner, John H. Guy, 
James Nesbitt, Robert Whitehead, William Martin, E. H. Keen, John T. Anderson, 
William MiUey, B. H. Sha'ckleford, Armistead Carter, A. C. Cummings, Robert 
Gibboney. 

.iiWniiwJ li*ai. WEST VIRGINIA. 

HTATE AT LARiTB. 

Charles T. Beak-, J(ajor E. W. Andrews, Henry S. Walker, Lewis Ruflfner, Thomas 
Sweeney, General J. J. Jackson, John S. Burdett. 

■"" DlgTBlCT DELEGATES. 

'First District. — Daniel Lamb, John J. Davis, Colonel D. D. Johnson, Colonel J. G. 

Lane. 

Second District. — Stephen W. Downey, John J. Yellott, John J. Jacob 

Third District. — Dr. A. E. Summers, Dr. John J. Thompson, L. Baker. <'>Mt ^o^d 

ALTERNATES. 

John W. Kennedy, Thos. Paxton, H. G. Davis, L. R. CWron, Fontaine Smith, Wn>- 
M. Raudolph, Benj. Ilonuett, W. A. Hanway, N. H. Talt, Rufus Maxwell. 

NORTH CAROLINA. ' " M 

DELE(^ATES AT LAKGK. 

Hon. William A. Graham, Hon. R. C. Puryear, Hon. George Howard, Hon. George 
Davis. 

DISTRICT DELEGATUS. 

Fint District. — William N. H. Smith, Henry A. Gilliam. 
Second District. — Hon. Mathias K. Manley, William A. Wright. 
Third District. — Arohibald McLean, Hon, Thoiuns S. Ashe. 
Fourth District. — A. H. Arrington, Hon. D. M. iiarringer. 
Fifth JJistricf. — Hon. John A. Gilmer, Thimns Ruffin. 
Sixth District. — Hon. Nathaniel Bozdon, Joseph H. Wilson. 
Seventh District. — Samuel F. Patterson, Montreville Patton. 

ALTERNATES. 

George Mordecai, E. J. Hale, W. J. Yates, Weldon N. Edwards. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

r.F.LFCATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. James L. Orr, Hon. B. F. Perry, Hon. J. L. Manning, Hon. i. B. Campbell. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — "F. J. Moses, Rieliard Dosier. 
Second District. — Thoiuas Y. Simons, W. P. Shinglor. 
Third Diftrict. — D. L. Wardlow, S. Gowan. 
Fourth District. — T. N. Dawkins, James Farrow. 

■ i 

GEOKOIA. 

DELKOATB"! AT LARGE. 

A. H. Stephens, H. V. Johnsou, A. H. Cliappell, D. A. Walker. 

'• 1 ;j , DISTRICT DKLFOATES. 

First District. — General J. B. Goidoii, William B. Fleming. 
Second District. — J. L. Winberly, 11. C. Barrow. 



39 

Third District.— Eon. W. F. Wright, Hon. Porter Ingram. 
Fourth District. — Thomas Hardman, Jr., P. W. Alexander 
Fifth District. — A. R. Wright, Lewis Tumlin. 
Sixth District. — John H. Christy, S. J. Smith. 
Seventh District. — Richard F. Lyons, W. M. Lowry. 

ALTERNATES. 

Hon. David Irvin, Hon. J. H. Hull. Hon. William Law, Hon. C. B. Cole, Major P. 
C Pendleton. T. C. Molntire, Ira E. Dapree, T. G. Lawson, J. S. Hooke, H. R. Casey, 
H. P. BeU, T. T. Smith, D. S. Printup, A. J. Hansel, J. R. Parrott. 

FLORIDA. 

DELEGATES. 

West Florida. — B. D. Wright, 0. M. Avery, George Walker, George S. Hawkins, 
F. R. Pittman, J. L. Dunham. 

North Florida. — S. B. Love, Robert Davidson, Hon. W. Call, Colonel J. C. McKibbin, 
Colonel George W. Scott, R. H. Gamble, M. B. Pappy, Judge Thomas Randall. 

East Florida. — Hon. F. McLeod, T. 0. Holmes, Judge B. Dawkins, M. Solano, John 
Friend, R. J. Gist. 

South Florida. — Hon. W. Marvin, W. C. Maloney, James Gettes, Col. J. P. Sanderson, 
C. E. Dyke, N. T. Shober, T. T. Long, Governor A. K. Allison. 

ALABAMA. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

George E. Parsons, George S. Houston, A. B. Cooper. Alexander White, John For- 
syth, R. B. Lindsay. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — C. C. Langdon, W. H. Crenshaw, T. J. Goldsby. 

Second District. — C. S. G. Doster, Lewis Owen, John G. Shorter. 

Third District.— Cnllen A. Battle, W. H. Cruikthanks. 

Fourth District. — J. S. Kennedy, Jonathan Bliss, C. C. Huckabee. 

Fifth District. — John Foster. 

Sixth District. — T. J. Foster, F. L. Goodman. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

William Yerger, George L. Potter, Giles M. Hillyer, W. L. Featherston. 

DISTRICT DHLEGATKS. 

First District. — H. Dockeray, Thomas Pegues. 
Second District. — J. S. Bailey, G. A. Sykes. 
Third District. — A. Murdock, J. A. Biuford. 
Fourth District. — N. H. Harris, A. G. Meyers. 
Fifth District. — H. F. Simrall, George V. Moody. 

ALTERNATES. 

John McGuirk, M, S. Ward, M. D. L. Stephens, W. H. Vasser, H. W. Foot, Jason 
A. Niles, W. Q. Poindexter, A. M. Paxton, S. T. Lamkin. 

LOUISIANA. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. John Ray, Richard Taylor, Hon. Randall Hunt, Hon. A. W. Walker, Charles 
Gazarre, J. Ad. Rozier, Alexander Walker, W. H. C. King, Hon. Tobias Gibson, Alfred 
Hennen, Sr., William Rewl Mills, P. A. Morse, Dr. Alfred Duperier, William S. Par- 
ham, Cuthbert Bullitt, Robert J. Kerr, A. M. Holbrook, Nicholas D. Coleman, T. P. 
May, A. C. Graham, Joshua Baker, W. R. Whitaker, Jacob C. Van Wickle, James 0. 
Fugua, Aleck Bojkrman. 

TEXAS. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. D. G. Burnett, Hon. L. D. Ev'ans, Hon. B. H. Epperson, Colonel W. H. Sellers, 
Colonel G. Cook, Colonel G. H. Giddings, Colonel A. M. (Jentvy, Culuucl W. H. Parsons, 
W.J. Hutchins, Esq., Hon. Jac)b Warlan, Colonel G. W. Carter, J. M. Surshu, L. M. 
Warner, Major D. U. Barziza, Captain J. M. Daniels, George W. White, Major J. H. 
Pratt, Major J. W. Wells. 



40 

ARKANSAS. 

DELEGATES AT LAROB. 

Dr. George W. Lawrence, E. 0. Boudinot, Jonas M. Tebbetts, M. L. Bell, J, 0. 
Kimball. 

DI.^TRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — William Byers, Q. K. Underwood. 

Second District. — John R. Fellows, A. B. Williams, Weldon E. Wright. 

Third District. — Jesse Turner, H. F. Thomason, John B. Luce. 

ALTERNATES. 

All>ert Pike, David Walker, IlarriS Flanigan, T. J. Batson, Lorenzo Gibson, J. C. 
Tappan, N. P. Stanton. 



TENNESSEE. 

PELEOATES AT LARGE. 



Hon. John S. Brion, John Lellyett, Hon. John W. Leftwitch, Hon. John Baxter.— 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First Distrlrf.— Eon. David T. Patterson, Colonel R. A. Crawford, Hon. N. G.Taylor, 
Colonel A. A. Kjlt>, J. P. Holtsinger, General W. C. Kyle. 

Second District. — Hon. T. A. R. Nolson, Dr. William Rogers, Colonel John "Williams, 
Georgo M. Branni>r. 

'Third District. — Asa Faulkner, Dr. William Crutchfiuld, James R. Hood, James H. 
Hughes, General James G. Sppers, Colonel E. S. Garrett. 

Fourth District. — lion. Edmond Cooper, Hon. "W. P. Hickerson, J. H. Tliompson, 
Joseph Ramsey. 

Fifth Di^tric'. — Governor W. B. Campbell, Governor Neil S. Brown, S. S. House, 
James Whitworth, S. R. Anderson, Thomas Barry, John ^^'oodward. 

Sixth District.— lion. A. 0. P. Nicholson, Hon. D. B. Thomas, T. W. Kceseo, G. C. 
Breed. 

Seventh District. — lion. Emerson Etheridge, N. G. Porter, R. G. Hurt. 

Eighth District. — General P. B. Glenn, Colonel W". D. Ferguson, Colonel W. B. 
Grace, Judge Mahlon L. Perkins, Hon. A. A. Freeman, M. Vr. Keiiney, Rolfe S. Saun- 
ders. 

KENTUCKY. 

DELEGATES AT LALCE. 

Hon. G. Davis, R. H. Stanton, E. Hise, Hon. Aarou Harding. 

DISTraCT DELEGATES. 

Fir.tt District. — Hon. L. S. Trimble, G. A. Flournoy. 

Second I)istrirt.-~(jc. Henry, F. A. Smith, William S. Owsley. 

Third District.— J. W. Ritter, Colonel W. B. Craddock. 

Fourth District. — K. A. Graves, C. S. Hill. 

Fifth District. — Hamilton Pope, G. A. Caldwell, J. H. Harney. 

Sixth District. — Jolm W. Stevcn.son, James Tiiylor. 

Seventh Jh'strict. — Hon. (teorgi- E. Shanklin, M. J. Durham. 

Eighth District. — Houeral T. T. Garrard, Major M H. Owsley. 

Ninth l>istrict.—W. H. Wadswortli, W. W. Baldwin. 

OHIO. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Lewis D. Campbell, James B. Stcedman, William S. Groesbeck, Jo«eph H. Geiger,, 
E. B. EsUelman, M. R. Willett, J. M. Kstep, P. Van Trump. 

DISTRICT DSLEGATFJ?. 

First District. — Milton Saylor, Dr. George Fries, Joseph K. Egley, T. P. Saunders, 

Second District. — Charle.s Reemelin, K. II. Johu-son, Judge Oliver, General Hicken- 
looper. 

Third District. — Judge W. J. Gilmore, General A. M. D. McCook, General Durbin 
Ward, K. U. Hendrickson. 

Fourth l)istrict. — John II. Jnines, Colomd George F. Dawson, General J. W. Frizell, 
General John E. Cuiumir.s. 

Fiph District.— Vo\i,i\f\ William Sawyer, Judge Uu^h Letzen, Colonel Samuel R. 
Mott, P. E. Cnnningham. 



41 

Sixth liUlTict. — Julias A. Penn, J. F. Ely, A. G. Peuii, John Wayland. 
Seventh District. — S. S. Henkle, Charles W. Dewey, William W. Franklin, W. 
W. Webb. ;' 

Eighth District. — Colonel Barnabas Burns, Captain William E. Schofield, James H. '^ 
Anderson, John E. Hurlburt. 

Ninth District.— T. C. McKwen, A. D. Shellenger, J. R. Clymor, T. W. Green. 
2''enth District. — Thomas Dunlap, William Carter, A. G. Clark, Harvy Cliase. 
Eleventh District. — J. A. Turnley, D. IM. M. Seymour, H. H. Poppleten, James 
Cochran. 

Twelfth District. — Dr. 0. E. Davis, William M. Bowen, James Stockdale, M. C. 
Campbell, J. 0. Reamy. 

Thirteenth District. — W. H. Ball, George B. Smythe, R. C. Hurd, G. B. Arnold. 
Fourteenth District. — George Bliss, Thomas J. Kenny, 0. C. Scovell, K. R. Shank. 
Fifteenth District. — J. Cartwright, Colonel R. P. L. Baber, Gciorge B. Center, Samuel 
Lahm. 

Sixteenth District. — William Lawrence, Colonel A. T. Ready, James A. Charlesworth, 
H. T. Stockwell. 

Seventeenth District. — Isaac UUman, Colonel George W. McCook, Judge J. Clarke, 
P«ter Kaufman. 

Eighteenth Dufrict. — F. T. Backus, R. P. Ranny, H. B. Payne, Moses Kelly. 
Nineteenth District. — Jefferson Palm, H. C. Ptamsey, Colonel Charles S. Colter, M. 
Bosworth. 

ALTEKXA.TE3. 

W. R. Waite, Thomas Sherlock, Judge A. G. W. Carter, William E. Jones, S. J. 
McGroarty, Wilson S. Kenuon, Major D. Gordon, Major Minor, George H. Fry, A. G. 
Barrett, A. H. Lewis, T. H. Barlram, J. C. Canlleld, John F. Dewey, J. H. Magruder, 
D. R. Austin, Elias Nigh, Isaac Roberts, H. H. Sage, J. L. Sheridan, J. J. Green, James 
Irvine, Captain Sherlock, Dr. I!. B. Moore, J. J. Smith, J. K. Frost, Robert Mackey, 
J. 0. Rote, Thos. Powell, John M. Brown, John Perrig, M. M. Seymour. 

INDIANA. 

DELEGATES AT tAKGE. 

Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Colonel Thomas Dowling, Colonel Graham N. Fitch, 
Hon. P. M. Kent, William S. Smith, David Kilgore, David S. Gooding, D. Garland 
Rose. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — W. F. Pidgeon, John Pitcher^ Hon. W. F. Parrett. 

Second District. — Levi Sparks, Colonel D. Sigler, John S. Davis, J. G. Caldwell. 

Third District. — Colonel Frank Emerson, Hon. Thomas R. Cobb, William M. Daly. 

Fourth District. — Dr. George Berry, Cortez Ewing, James Gavin, John Ferris. 

Fifth District. — General Solomon Meredith, Eli Pigman, Lafayette Deevlin, Volney 
Wilson. 

Sixth District. — John R. Elder, Benjamin F. Davis, Henry C. Gooding, C. N. Pollard. 

Seventh District. — Colonel J. I. Alexander, C. C. Matson, Edward Wilson, Major A. 
M. Puett. 

Eighth District. — Dr. James Mc. Workman, Colonel E. F. Lucas, John S. Williams, 
James Wilson. 

Ninth District. — R. P. Effinger, James Bradly, Henry Crawford, R. H. Rose. 

Tenth District. — Hon. A. P. Egerton, Colonel J. B. McDonald, M. Drake, Captain M. 
W. Wines. 

Eleventh District. — Nathan R. Lindsay, William C. Fleming, G. S. Brown. 

ALTERNATES. 

Hon. R. A. Clements, Richard Raleigh, Colonel W. F. Sherrod, Colonel C. L. Dun- 
ham, Hon. Jeptha D. New, Hon. F. T. Hord, General James B. Foley, Hon. A. B. Line, 
Cyrus F. McNutt, Hon. W. H. Jennings, Hon. Henry Wilson, W. C. Vance, James 
Odell, Hon. T. J. Merrifield, A. L. Wheeler, Samuel A. Alvord, Eli W. Brown, Hon. S. 
E. Perkins, W. M. Franklin, Col. Charles Denby, Hon. A. C. Downey. 

ILLINOIS. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. 0. H. Browning, Major General John A. McClernard, Hon. Thomas J. Turner, 
Hon. William B. Ogden, Hon. D. K. Green, Hon. Isaac Underbill, Judge E. S. Terry, 

. .-.v. itroittroi^ 



42 

Colonel William R. Morrison, Hon. Thomas Hoyne, Hon. R. E. Goodell, Hon. L. W. 
Ross, lion. S. y. Marshall. 

DISTRICT DELEGATE!!. 

First ftisfricl. — Hon. George C. Bates, Hon. Philip A Hoyne, Hon. S. S. Hayes, John 
McGinnis, Jr. 

JSecond District. — A. M. Horrington, J. S. Ticknor, Hon. E. M. Haines, P. Garfieli. 

Third District. — Samuel Strawder, U. D. Meachani, W. H. Mesonkop, E. B. Stil«8, 

Fourth District. — Colonel John 0. Cox, Major II. V. Sullivan, G. Edmunds, Jr., C. J. 
Horsman. 

Fifth District. —'W. E. Cook, W. R. Phf^lps. J. G. Greene, A. M. Gibbons. 

Sixth District. — Hon. J. 0. Norton, Captain A. Longworth, Colonel Lorenzo P. Sanger, 
Colonel "William Reddiok. 

Sfveiuh iJistrict. — Colonel "W. N. Coler, Dr. W. M. Chambers, General Charles Black, 
D. G. Burr. 

Eighth Jjistrict.— John E. Rosette, G. TT. Parke, William P. Chain, Hon. Colby 
Knapp. 

Ninth District. — Hon. A. A. Glenn, Captain J. C. Bernard, James G. McCreery, J. 
H. Mcfall. 

Tenth District. — B. F. Slater, Colonel Charles A. Morton, J. "W. Hankins, Charles 
Horles. 

Eleventh Diatrict. — Colonel W. B. Anderson, George H. Yarnell, George TV. Ilaynie, 
Hon. Daniel Riley. 

Twelfth District. — E. M. "West, Colonel John J. Mitchell, Hon. "^. G. Kase, George 
"W. Brackett. 

Thirteenth District. — Colonel R. R. Townes. John C. "White, A. Laing, Dr. John Mon- 
roe. 

AtTERSATBS. 

General M. R. M. AA'allace, General ^\'. B, Scate.^, Samuel W. Fuller, H. D. Perry, W. 
P. Turcy, S. L. De Land, Colonel W. H. Bennesou, G. W. Hunt, Colonel Hunt, J. G. 
Madden, B. Turner, B. Todd, W. T. Bryan, Colom-l A. Smith, Hon. S. W. Harrison, 
John Miller, George F. Brown, Colonel H. F. Vallette, L. C. Hurd, Colonel TV. J. 
Calloway, A. N. Smyscr, D. Sherman, E. H. Palmer, K. E. Goodell, W. G. Burdell, 
Hon. J. S. Bailey, f! C. McSeely, Ljman Lacy, M. C. Long, Colonel S. Q. Heiseeks, 
Captain Judy, Dr. J. J. R. Turuey, Colonel W. H. Readly, Dr. C. T. Jones, John R. 
Bowie, Charles Carroll, Dr. Paul Sears. 

MICHIGAN. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Charles E. Steuart, Augustus C. Baldwin, Merrill J. Mills, Charles H. Taylor, Colonel 
"W. B. McCreory, General C. 0. Looniis, General G. A. Custer, Colonel J. J. Ely. 

DISTHICT DELEOATES. 

First District. — "William P. "Wells, George C. Munro, Henry Barnes, Captain J. J. 
Newell. 

Second District. — Rufus W. Landou, Frederick V. Smith, 0. B. Clark, John G. Park- 
hurst. 

Third District. — Orlando M. Barnes, Ed. F. Uhl, James Monroe, E. C. Seaman, 

Fourth District. — Alexander F. Bell, Lyman G. Mason, General A. A. Stevens, "W". 
B. Thomas. 

Fifth District. — Robert "W. Davis, Harlehigh Cartter, Byron G. Stout, John Atkinson. 

Sixth District.— John W- Payne, William L. "Webber, S. B. Bliss, A. "W. Brockway. 

. "WISCONSIN. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. J. R. Doolittle, Hon. i. "W. Randall, Hon. G.M. Robinson, Alexander Mitchell, 
H. L. Palmer, Milton Montgomery, L. B. Vilas, Gabriel Bauck. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — J. B. Smith, A. W. Curtiss, General If. C. Hobert, Hon. Danie ^ 
"Willis, Jr., L. J. Farwell, E. M. Lee, P. V. Deuster, George Schmidt, Major R. Cheney > 
J. A. Noonan. 

Second District. — John J. R. Pease, N. H. Wood, A. Hyatt Smith, J, Gillett Knapp, 
J. B. Doe. 

Third District. — George "W. Krouskoup, J. H. Kimball. 



4S 

Fourth District.— Ron. A. D. Boiiesteel, Hon. Robert Flint, Hon. C. A. Eldridge, 
Hon. Emil Rotlie, Hon. Benjamin Ferguson. 

Fifth District.— Colonel George C. Giuty, Cliarles W. Felker, Hon. S. A. Pease, Hon. 
A. L. Smith, General E. L. Bragg. 

Sixth District. — Hon. ^Y. T. Galloway, Hon. George Gayle. 

IOWA. 

DELEGATES AT LAKGE. 

A. C. Dodge, George H. Parker, Edward Johnston, A. Larimer, J. M. EUwood, B. B. 
Richards, L. D. Parmer, S. H. Fairall, General Thomas H. Benton, T. Christie, G. W. 
Clark, Hon. James D. Gamble, J. W. Stewart, Major Thomas B. Hunt, Dr. J. F. Fair- 
banks, Colonel S. W. Summers. 

DISTKICT DELEGATES. 

First District.— Thomas "W. Claggett, Charles Mason, H. H. Trimble, Dr. J. G. De 
"Wolf, William Thompson, Colonel O. H. P. Scott, Hon. Edmund J. Elger. 

Second District.— J. M. Priston, J. H. 'Wallace, C E. Putnam, E. H. Thayer, Sage 0. 
3atler, David H. Scott, Ebenezer Cook, J. F. Hill, John B. Booth. 

Third District. — William Mills, A. P. Richardson, 0. H. P. Rozelle, L. L. Ainsworth, 
"William McClintock, Dr. William A. Chase. 

Fourth District.— J. E. Neal, George Gillaspy, J. H. Murphy, John White, D. B. 
Abrams, Colonel C. H. Mackey, Major J. B. Atherton. 

Fifth District. — J. D. Test, J. Browne, W. P. Hammond, M. D. McHenry, Colonel 
'George Burton, John K, Lyon, Captain William E. Taylor, D. Patchie, J. M. Walker, 

Sixth District.— D. F. Ellsworth, B. D. Holbrook, E. D. Fenn, H. E. J. Boardman, 
William C. Stanbery, J. F. Griffith. 

MINNESOTA. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. ©..S. Norton, Hon. N. M. Rice, Hon. Franklin Steele, Hon. Charles W. Nash, 
iHenry C. Hoffman, Esq., Charles A, Gilman, Esq.,. William Lee, Esq., Richard Price., 
Jlsq. 

MISSOURI. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE, 

John Hogan, James 0. Broadhead, Richard J. Howard, M. H. Ritchie, George P. 
iHall, Charles M. Elliard, James S. Rollins, Thomas C. Ready, Austin A. King. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

First District. — Lewis V. Bogy, Burton Able, James J. McBride, John Knapp. 
■Second District. — David Murphy, William James, Albert Todd, W. J. Martin. 
Third District.— F. A. Rozier, T. B. English, P. L. Foy, Charles Welling. 
Fourth District, — John M. Richardson, Marcus Boyd, James K Mills, C. B. Holland. 
Fifth District. — Thomas A. Price, T. F. Crittenden, L. H. Lane, Logan Hunter. 
Sixth District. — Charles Todd, R. C. Vaughan, James W. Black, Lucius Salisbury. 
Stventh District.— Ch&Tles B. Wilkinson, James McFerran, Robert Wilson. E. C. 
Thomas. 

Eighth Distrkt.—'E. K. Sayre, J. B. Rogers, Edward McCabe, E. B. Brown. 

Ninth District. — James Sweeney, E. A. Lewis, J. A. Hockaday, Charles G. Mauro. 

KANSAS. 

DELEGATES AT LAEGB. 

General Hugh Ewing, General Charles W. Blair, Captain Nicholas Smith, Jamea 
L. McDowell, General H. S. Sleeper, Major G. A. Colton, Thomas P. Fentou, George 
W. Glick, Orlin Thurston, Edward Campbell, W. P. Gambell, S. S. Penderry. 

ALTERNATES. 

Major S. R. Palmer, Colonel J. R. McClure, Colonel Hugh Cameron, M. W. Rey- 
nolds, Major J. W. Martin, F. P. Fitzwilliams, Isaac Sharpe, R. M. Ruggles, John 
Martin, CHiarles Rubican, Maj. James Ketner, W. A. Tipton. 

CALIFORNIA. 

DELEGATES AT LAKSE. 

"William T. Coleman, J. A^ McDougall, W. W. Cope, Jackson Temple, General John 
A. Dix, Hon. -R. J, Walker, Major General Slocum. 



44 

nSTRICT DELEGATES. 

Samuel PhHj, C. M. TIitf!hcock, Jacob P. Leese, L. A. Birdsall, Thomas Gray, Samuel 
B. Martin, John Furguson, J. T. Ryan. 

NEVADA. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

Governor G. M. Beehe, G. D. Hall, Jesse Williams, John Carmichael, L. H. NewtOH, 
Frank Hereford, Hon. Gideon J. Tncker, Hon. George G. Barnard. 

ALTERNATES. 

T. H. Harris, S. B. Kyle, R. C. Hill, P. H. Pierce, Sol. Gellor, J. W. B. Carver, C. L. 
Perkins, W. F. Tooms. , .'.i .• • 

OREGON.' ' ■ ■ 

IiF.LEGATES AT LARGE. 

Hon. J. W. Nesuiith, Governor George L. Curry, W. H. Farrar, E. M. Bamnm, 
A. D. Fitch, D. T. Bradford. 

DAKOTA. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

John W. Turner, D. F. Bramble, Colonel A. J. Faulk. 

IDAHO. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

C. F. Powell, Thomas W. Betts, Henry W. DePuy, Governor "W. H. Wallace, 
H. Cummins. 

NEBRASKA. ,.?T 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

General H. H. Heath, Hon. J. S. Morton, Dr. George L. Miller, J. Patrick, Jaxnes R. 
Porter, "\V. F. Lockwood, Major Lewis Lowry, James M. Patterson, T. W. Bedford, 
J. R. Beale. 

NEW MEXICO. 

DELEGATES AT LARGE. 

George P. Este, Charles S. Blake. 

WASHINGTON TERRITORY. 

DELE(!ATES AT LARGR. 

George E. Cole, Elwood Evans, Chas. P. Eagan. 

DISTRICT OF COLrMBIA. 

liKLEGATES AT LARGE. 

John E. Norris, Richard T. Merrick, Joseph H. Bradley, Sr., B. F. Swart, CoUnel 
James R. O'Beirne, Jonah D. Hoover, John B. Blake, Owen Thorm^sv. — .mr.e.'M fvwn/., 

ALTERNATES. 

Richard "Wallach, Asbury Lloyd, Samuel E. Douglass, Richard R. Crawford, 
Charles Allen. 

HONORARY DBLEGATE ELECTED BY TUB DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION. 

y , .. Hon. Thomas B. Florence. 



Note. — The Secretary found it impossible to got a correct List of Delegates to the 
Convention. In numerous instances Delegates did not leave their names and address, 
as often rpquestnd. Many vacancies were filh-d tiie (iist day by Alternates, and subse- 
quently the Delegates arrived. The Committee on Credfutials made numerous changes 
and substitutions, while others were made by the Delegations themselves. 

The above List is as correct, therefore, as it could be made, though doubtless con- 
taining many errors and ominsions. » 

E. 0. PKRRIN, 
Secretary National Union Comiention. 



AI^I^EISTDIX. 



Letter from Hon. Thomas Ev:ing. 

Lancaster, Ohio, August 2, 1866. 
Hon. 0. H. Browning : 

Dear Sir: Your letter inclosing a copy of a call for a National Convention 
to be held in Philadelphia on the 14th instant, has long been before me. I at once ex- 
pressed to you by hearty concurrence in its objects ; but causes not within my control 
have thus far delayed me in givicg, as I then promised, more definitely and at large 
my views on the subject. 

' We all feel, and know, that the condition of the country is unsettled ; the different 
departments of the Government do not move harmoniously in their proper spheres, 
but in some respects retard and disturb the action of each other. The evil requires a 
remedy which can only be applied on a careful investigation of its causes. It is most 
important that we should have a distinct understanding of the present condition of 
our country, the state of its organic law, as settled by recent events, and a considera- 
tion of the errors and irregularities by which its action is disturbed ; and make a fair 
presentation of these matters to the public, without a mixluro of the passion or pre- 
judices of party, that they may apply the corrections. This is, as I understand it, the 
object of t4ie proposed Convention. To this object I am desirous to lend my feeble aid 
as one among the thousands whose aggregate judgment makes up public opinion. 

A large proportion of the leading men of tlie South have for more than thirty years 
past been taught in the school of disunion — reared up and educated in the political 
faith that allegiance to the State is paramount to allegiance to the Union : and that a 
citizen of the State may, at the command of his State, lawfully bear arms and wage war 
against the United States, and, as a corollary, against any one or more of the sister 
States. This is not new doctrine. It is the same which, under different forms of gov- 
ernment, distracted Europe for more than six hundred years, made every baronial castle 
a robber's stronghold, and the whole countiy a military encampment. In 1S61, those 
holding the physical force in eleven States, declared in Conventioa their secession from 
the Union, expelled its officers, and repudiated its laws ; and stood prepared to main- 
tain, as far as they might by force of arms, distinct and independent nationalities, 
confederated for the purpose of attack or defence against the Union, as a common 
enemy. On the other hand, we asserted the absolute integrity of the Union : that no 
State could secede from, or cease to be an integral part of it ; that its laws, constitu- 
tionally enacted, were of binding force in all the States and Territories ; and that to 
levy war, or oppose armed resistance to the execution of the laws of the Union, was 
treason, even though such resistance were in obedience to a law of a State, and to tlie 
mandate of its authority. And it is this on which the issue was taken between the 
Union and those holding the physical power in the eleven seceding States. A civil war 
w^ the consequence ; great in its magnitude, great in its results. The supremacy of the 
Union has been maintained. The illegal and revolutionary declarations of secession have 
been annulled, together with the ordinances in their support and maintenance : and the 
government of each of the several States is now in the hands of loyal men ; is organ- 
ized in conformity iplth the Constitution of the United States and acknowledges the 
supremacy of its iSws. We have contended throughout the contest that the seceded 
States were States of the Union, and in the Union, and that the citizens of those States 
who, in any way, aided in the revolt, were guilty of treason. This point is now yielded. 
It is settled, and not open to discussion. 

Your call invites only those who hold the Union indissoluble and perpetual ; and 
it declares that no delegate will take a seat in the Convention who does not loyally 



46 

accept the national situation, and cordially endorse the great principle above an- 
nounced. This, 1 most heartily approve. I weuld not willingly meet in council or 
join in political action with those, if such there be, who would again open the ques- 
tion, the agitation of which has iullicted such untold misery upon the country. 

I assuTvip, thercl'ur', that the laws of the Union enacted pursuant to the Constitution 
are paraiuouiit, n< i;]i • weakened nor all'ected by the laws of the State; that no State 
can secede from the Uuiou, either temporaiily or permanently ; that the ordinances of 
spoessloa, though bearing tii'» names of the States, were the acts of unauthorized 
men, who temporarily usurped power ; that during the whole contest, from its begin- 
ning to its close, e' oh and all States, notwithstanding their ordinances of secession, 
were States of the L'uion ; and at the close of the contest the usurped powers were 
withdrawn, and the supremacy of the Union acknowledged by the authorities of the 
States. 

It follows as a necessary consequence that, even in the heat and violence of the 
rebellion, the Stale.s in which the rebel violence most prevailed, were each and all of 
them, as States, entitled to their representation in the two Houses of Congress. Suph 
was clearly the understanding of the statesmen who then ruled the stormy scene. 
Tennessee was rei)re8ented in the Senate after the ordinance of secession in that State 
was passed: and I know it was the expressed wish of President Lincoln th.-vt Me. 
BoBLWND, the Senator from Arkansas, whose term was not expired, and who had taken 
no part in the rebellion, should come to Washington and resume his seat in the Senate. 
The dilBculty existed — not in the right of the State to be represented — but in the means 
of electing and certifying Senators and Representatives. With that difficulty the 
Houses of Congress had, in the fiist instance, nothing to do. But when the State 
returned its Senators and Members, then it was the province of the two Bouses of 
Congress each to examine the credentials of the proposed Members of its own body, as- 
certain whether the Members of each were duly ajipointed, and whether they personally 
conformed to the requisites which each House has established for its Members. If the 
opinion then entertained be admitted as sound, it cannot be rationally contended that a 
State iu which the rebellion has been suppressed, the ordinance of secession rescinded 
and annulled, and the power of the Union acknowledged, can bo denied its representa- 
tion in the two Houses of Congress because it has been controlled for a time by men in 
a state of revolt, when that very condition, while it existed, did not deprive it of the 
right of representation. But thus far those States have been denied, as States, their 
representation iu Congress, without question as to the qualifications of the individual 
members or the regularity of their election. 

It will be difficult to establish the position that a portion of the Senate and the 
House which have thus rejected the representation of a part of the States, as States, is 
a legally constituted Congress under the Constitution. They, of course, had the 
power which the Constitution gives them, the Senate to reject any and all members 
individually, for the reason that they do UDt represent the several States ; the House, 
that they do not represent their appropriate districts. The Constitution defines in express 
terms the power of each House over the Members who offer themselves for recognition. 
The second section of the first article of the Constitution provides that the House of 
Hepresentativcs shall be composed of Members chosen every second year by the people 
of the Several States ; that is to say, each and all the States. To this there is no excep- 
tion, no limitation. It includes States which have been controlled by insurgents as 
well as those which have always been governed by loyal men. Another clause of the 
same article provides that when vacancies happen in the representation from any State 
the Executive authority thereof shall issue an order for an election. Here is no quali- 
fication, no recjuisite condition of the State to entitle it to its representation. How 
does any portion of Congress, or a committee selected by a part of Congress, acquire 
the power to lay down conditions and deny representation to the States that do not 
conform to them ? The third section of the same article of the Constitution provides 
"that tjie Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each 
State, chosen by the Legislakire thereof for six years." The fifth article, that no State, 
without its consent, shall, even by an amendment of the Constitution, be deprived of 
its equal suffrage iu the Senate. So clear is the construction of the Constitution — so 
fixed the purpose of the Convention — that oven an amendment of the Constitution 
would be void that should attempt to deprive a State for a single day, under any 
conditions, of its due representation in that body. But the Constitution makes ample 
provision for the prevention of illegal membersliip in either of those bodies, and puts 
it in the power of each to exclude from itself all Members and Senators who are 
unfit from any cause, national or moral — for want of due election, due certificate, defect 
of loyalty to the Union, or moral character — to hold their places in either of those 
})odied. 



47 

Hence it is very clear to my mind that the exclusion of States, as States, for any 
reason, supposed or alleged, is a violation of their constitutional privileges. The 
members who may be iu possession of the Senate Chamber and House of Representa- 
tives have the same right to assume that New York, as that Georgia, is unfit to be 
represented until it complies with their prescribed conditions. If they may exclude 
eleven States, they may exclude twenty, and each will affect alike the constitutional 
legitimacy of the body which thus lays down conditions for admission, and refuses it to 
those who do not comply with those conditions. The wrong would be more glaring if 
a majority were excluded, but the principle woiild be the same. It may be said that, 
in the Senate, there could not be a constitutional quorum if twenty were excluded, 
but what of that ? Admit the binding efficacy of the Constitution, and there,i3 an end 
of the argument. 

Laws formally enacted by the members, and certified and approved by the officers of 
the two Houses and the President, must be recognized by our Courts without inquring 
into the regular constitution of each of the powers enacting them. But whatever comes 
in the form of a law emanating from a single branch of the law-making power, is, in 
my jui.lgment, open to examination ; CuulesS, indeed, the Court shall hold that the 
Executive recognition of the Congress extends to all their acts, whether severally 
recognized or not ;) as, for example, if but one-third of the States should meet and 
take possession of the halls of the Senate and House of Representatives, and enact, 
resolves in the form of law, without Executive sanction or recognition, it would be 
absurd to say that the Courts would be bound to hold that such resolves were law, 
without having the power to inquire into the Constitutionality of the Assembly enact- 
ing them. This is but an a fortiori case — the principle is precisely the same with that 
before us. It is quite immateiial whether one-third or two-thirds of the States be 
excluded from participation in the enactment. Admit the right of inquiring into the 
constitution of the enacting body iu one case, the same right follows in the other, and 
the illegitimacy iu the one case is as clear as iu the other. Apply the case to practical 
legislation. There are thirty-six States iu the Union, requiring seventy- two Senators 
to make a full Senate. But eleven States, with their twenty-two Senators being ex- 
cluded, fifty then make the Senate. But a majority of the body, twenty-six, consti- 
tutes a quorum ; a majority of this quorum may pass a bill — that is, fourteen votes in 
the Senate might, under the organization of last winter, pass laws vital to the Union. 
This is unconstitutional : it is revolutionary. This difficulty applies to the Civil 
Rights Bill, to the last Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and to the Constitutional Amendment. 
This objection, together with the constitutional difficulties in the several bills, may 
each be brought before the Courts, and it is not too much to say that their decision 
will be doubtful on this point, if on this alone. This, of course, does not apply to 
cases where the States did not appear at the proper time and place and offer their 
Senators and Representatives. 

It would have a quieting eflfect, and he but a reasonable sacrifice to the Constitution 
and law, to repeal, at the earliest possible moment, all enactments of the last session of 
Congress which have not received the sanction of the President ; for, whatever the- 
decision of the Courts may be on the subject, it is quite clear that the opinion of the 
bench and bar of the United States, outside of political circles and beyond political in- 
fluence, will not be unanimous in favor of the validity of these laws. They will not be 
absolutely and entirely respected by the mass of the people, as they would have been 
if eaacted by a Congress in which all of the United States were suffered to be repre- 
sented. 

There are reasons urged for refusing the admission of the eleven rejected States into 
the legislative councils of the Nation. Stripped of all ambiguity, the result is this : 
Exclusion is necessary in order to retain power in the hands of the present 
majority and to prevent its passing into the hands of others who no doubt they con- 
scientiously believe would abuse it. It is not, I think, generally claimed to be constitu- 
tional, but right and reasonable in the present excepted case. But allow this as a pre- 
cedent, and specially excepted cases will continually arise, where, in the opinion of the- 
party in power, their opponents, if they obtain the mastery, will ruin the country. 
The present Congress cannot say " thus far and no further." The Constitution allows 
no such exception. If violated for a day, it is violated. 

This I regard as the great source of evil, pregnant with political mischief. It is a 
sap applied to the very foundation of our political edifice, and, if pressed forward to 
its results, must shake, if not destroy it. 

It is needless and idle to dwell upon the past, that which belongs to history • 
but it is not, perhaps, improper for me to say that I have not, in all things^ 



4S 

■entirely coucarred in the action of tlie laat or the present Executive. In the direct 
political movement neceadary to preserve the integrity of the Union and enforce its 
laws — in the conduct of the war — I f"1t no di^flcully, no hesitation. I felt it also 
necessary as a war measure to deprive of the p*^ Tor of mischiet tlxoae who actively 
and openly attempted to obstruct the raising ot our armies, or to induce deser- 
tion fiom its ranks. Their crime ai)proached treason, but did not fall within its 
definition. The position of those in its commission was ambiguous, occupying middle 
space between traitor and spy. But whatever the judgment of the courts might be 
upon their acts, the performance of a duty which the President O'ved the Constitution 
lequiri'd that they should be deprived of the power of mischief. It was as necessary 
to protect our armies in the process ot formation against this hostile element, as to pro- 
tect them against opposing armies in the field. 

Military Commissiaus are warrantable only in cases in which the commanding Gen- 
eral is justified in ordering the execution of his mandate without trial. Then he can 
properly organize a Commission to advise and share with him the responsibility. But 
I have never been satisfied with the trials and convictions, by military courts, where 
our civil courts held undisturbed sessions and our civil laws could be executed. Such 
things have, nevertheless, been done, and I have not failed to protest against them in the 
proper (|uarter, and use all my powers of reason and argument to prevent them. The 
prevention of mischief is one thing : the trial and punishment of a crime complete is 
another. For this use of military tribunals tire administration of President Johnson 
is not entirely free from responsibility. But so far as I know it was only when he was 
fresh in his ollice, new to the surrounding circumstances which influenced the action 
of his predecessor and his counsellors, that he fell into what I consider a vital error ; 
and he showed early a purpose to apply to th(! mischief an efficient remedy. Thus, 
the only instance in which he greatly erred was in uniting in the policy of those who 
most condemn him. It was by suflfering himself to be borne onward by the wild tide 
of events, which threaten to sweep away and obliterate the ancient landmarks of our 
republic ; and it wa-; only when he attempted to check its violence that he encountered 
tierce resistance, contumely, and reproach. 

Besides the illegal Constitution of the two Houses of Congress, by the exclusion of 
eleven States, there was a vice — a novelty — in the proceedings of those two assem- 
blages by the appointment of a Joint Committee on the all-important question of Re- 
construction, and the admission of members to each body — a committee similar to that 
of Public Safety in the constituent ab.^embly of France, in the revolution, and almost 
equally potent. The two Houses were, by appointment of this committee, and the 
power granted it, consolidated ; and there was no longer, for the more important pur- 
poses of the session, two Houses of Congress — two deliberative assemblies. Indeed, 
there could be no free deliberation in either of those bodies ; they were fettere^ and 
bound by the action of the Joint Committee, and no member could be permitted to 
introduce a measure without its first passing through this ordeal. It was as much as 
the political standing of any Senator or Representative was worth to dispute its 
behests. In a few instances it was attempted, but on each occasion followed by expla- 
nation and apology. 

Men are drifted, by the strong current of events, where their own deliberate judg- 
ment would not carry them. In the composition of most men, even men possessing 
intelligence, and some force of character, there is more of the osier than of the oak. 
Hence it is, that in times of high party excitement the more reckless and violent 
govern in political assemblies sober-minded men, their superiors in knowledge and 
intellect. Under the dictation of this Joint Committee, measures were adopted almost 
unanimously, which would not have passed the two Houses by the free votes of the 
members without this restraint. Its efficacy must have been understood and its 
necessity foreseen, or this strange anomaly in American legislation would not have 
been resorted to. 

By the report of the Committee on Reconstruction, it appears to have been their 
opinion that what is generally understood as an Fxecutive right of determining when 
the insurrection or rebellion of a State has ceased and it is in a condition of self-goverij- 
ment, pertains to the two Houses of Congress ani not to the President. They say it 
was hia duty to execute the laws of Congress, and they ignore, and, in effect deny his 
right to do hi8 duty under the Coustituiton, except m they direct and impel him. 
This is tht^ir first radical error : and the close of the report shows how unfit a legistative 
body is for the porformauoe of executive duties. It was well shown in the Long Par- 
liament in England, when they undertook to exercise executive power. It was equally 
well shown here. Not only could not Congress agree as to what should be done to effect 
reconstruction, where it should begin, and how far it should advance, without the aid 

.,itfaliii If* if , iiq« rft(*q ''(ioa ai 



49 

of a Committee of Recoiistructioa ; but that Committee, so selected, say that the result 
of their report was a m\itual concession, after a long and careful comparison of coniiict- 
ing opinions. It would seem that their inability to agree might have induced some 
deference and respect for the opinion of the President, who, with certainly an equally 
patriotic spirit, and much larger information and much longer deliberation, dififered 
from some, perhaps all of them. And if he were mistaken, and members were re- 
turned from the States not organized so as to be competent to return them, each 
House had the i)ower to determine the question for itself in the case of each individual 
member, and, on full information, to reject such member. 

There seems to be no agreement on the points on which it is charged that the Presi- 
dent erred. Every act, and each omissioa to act, is objected to by different individu- 
als. The only particular in which they agree is that he did not, in all things, conform 
to the will of Congres-!. He had opinions of his own, and expressed them in time and 
in form, as by the Constitution he was required. But other objections are urged. 
Senator Trumbull, in a speech lately delivered to his constituents, claims that the Pre- 
sident did not punish traitors sufficiently ; in other words, that there had not been 
blood enough shed, or that there had not been pain and misery, poverty and privations 
enough upon the people of the land to teach them that rebellion was unprofitable. 
Mr. Trumbull, had his views been carried out in detail, would have taught them well 
that submission was even less profitable than rebellion. I would ask under what law, 
after the war had ceased, could the President hang, or shoot, or imprison those who 
had been traitors ? Tht* matter must have been submitted to Courts of Justice, and 
no time had elapsed sufficient to organize and officer courts and bring to trial a hundred 
thousand criminals lor treason. Mr. Trumbull claims that the President, in a conver- 
sation with him, s •.lued to yield to the opinion, or expressed the opinion, that the 
laws should be ri-iily executed against those who violated them. "When he conversed 
with Mr. Trumbull, according to the account we have of the conversation, he seemed 
to be smarting under the infliction of heavy recent wrongs, and he spoke with feelings " 
of indignation and resentment common to men, and justifiable in their private stations. 
But when he became President of the United States those feelings ought to have been, 
and I trust they were, suppressed, and his personal wrongs forgotten. His office was 
then the restorer of public peace and order, not the avenger of private wrongs, or the 
instrument by which private vengeance might be gratified ; and it became a (question 
what was the best mode of reconciling all men to their conditions, and establishing 
peace and harmony in the country. 

That popular passions and prejudices still exist in the South, is undoubted. The 
opinions of men as to their abstract rights are not changed ; for no man or men were 
ever reasoned into a change of opinion by the cannon or the bayonet ; though they may 
be well taught to live at peace and enjoy freedom and safety of life and property under 
a regular constitutional government, rather than to sufler a repetition of the horrors 
and desolation of a civil war. It is the remark of a writer who lived through the 
French Revolution, who reasoned sagely and observed much, that "the remedy for 
popular passions is to be found, not in despotism or arbitrary infliction, but in the as- 
sured sovereignty of the law." I concur in this opinion. I do not unite in the cen- 
sure which Senator Trumbull casts upon the President, because there is apparent in 
his official action humane feelings for the miseries of those who most wronged liim ; 
ospecially as I am conscious that this kindness' and forbearance tended, much more than 
severity, to the establishment of union and harmony. 

I am not the apologist of the President. It is simply my aim to do him and all 
others right and justice according to my own conceptions. In these I may greatly err, 
but my opinions are formed on passing events, and with a view only to the interests 
of my country. 

It is idle to impugn motives and apply personal abuse to those who differ from us in 
political opinions : to call names, to use contemptuous epithets, and thus depreciate 
personally those whose arguments we find unanswerable. There is much of this that 
is neither creditable nor statesmanlike in the speech of Mr. Trumbull, which is now 
before me ; but I will not comment vipon it. 

My wish is that the Republican! party, very many of whose members I highly respect, 
raiy return to the path of constitutional rectitude, and, walking in that path, I wish 
th^m a long and successful administration in their appropriate sphere of the affairs 
of Government ; but if they and the Constitution and the Union cannot exist together, 
I ^ earnestly desire their speedy and final overthrow. 

IVaotically, my opinion is, that a humane forbearance in the execution of penal law, 
whi\h would make it the interest of men to prefer the Union and law and order to 
Auafthy, is the only sound policy. Some wild spirits will undoubtedly become outlaws, 
\ 

\ ^' 

\ 



50 

but none should be driven to that condition ; and the few that, having been allowed the 
privilege of citizens, and their right of pioperty, choose to form themselves into preda- 
tory hand^, whether they plunder upon land or water, should be exterminated as 
enemies of the human race. 

I hope much from th*^ good effect of your Convention. I am sure it will be con- 
ducted in a spirit of kindness and conciliation, at the same time with firmness and 
decision. 1 trust much in its effect on public opinion ; much indeed, in its effect on 
the opinions and actions of the present CoBgress. Indeed, 1 hope, at the next session 
of Congress, to find the state of feeling such that no considerable changes may be neces- 
sary to secure the triumph of constitutional law ; and the union, peace, and prosperity 
of each and every part of our common country. 

I am, very respectfully, yours, 

T. EWING. 



Son. Rohcrt C. Winihro2i^s Letter. 

Beooklixe, August 9, 1S66. 
Hon. Lktkrett Saltoxstall : 

My Dear Sir : I am sincerely sensible to the honor conferred iipon me, yesterday, 
by the meeting at Faneuil Hall, over which you presided, in placing my name at the 
head of the Delegation at Large to the National Union Convention. But, as I had 
previously intimated to more than one of our fritaids, it will not be in my power to go 
to Philadelphia next week. 

I am quite unwilling, however, to decline the appointment without a distinct ex- 
pression of Tny hearty concurrence in the general views of those by whom that Con- 
vention has been called, and of my earnest hope that its deliberations may conduce to 
the earliest practicable restoration of all the States of the Union to the exercise of their 
constitutional powers, and to the enjoyment of thflir constitutional privileges, in the 
National Government. 

I can add nothing, I am aware, to the argument which others have already presented 
on this subject, and I gladly avail myself of the language of Judge Curtis in his late 
admirable letter: "To suppose that the Government of the United States can, in a 
state of peace, rightfully hold and exercise absolute and unlimited power over a part 
of its territory and people just so long as it may choose to do so, appears to me un- 
warranted by any rules of public law, abhorrent to right reason, and inconsistent with 
the nature of our Government." With Judge Curtis, too, I hold to the opinion — "that 
the Southern States are now as rightfully, and should be as eflectually, in the Union, 
as they were before the madness of their people attempted to carry them out." 

Most happily. Congress did not adjourn without ailniitting to their seats the Senators 
and Representatives of Tennessee ; but that very act has rendered it all the more dif- 
ficult to discover anything of constitutional principle, or anything of true national 
policy, in its persistent denial of all representation to the other Southern States. Con- 
gress has ample means of protecting itself and of protecting the country from the 
presence of disloyal men in the halls of legislation by the simple exercise of the power 
which eacli branch i>osses3es of deciding without appeal on the qualifications of its awn 
members. Had the case of each individual Senator or Representative elected from the 
States lately in rebellion been taken up by itself, and fairly considered on its own merits, 
agreeably to the wise suggestions of President Johnson, no one could have complained, 
what ever might have been the result. But I know not how either branch could have 
consented, as it has done, to compromise its constitutional independence, by submit- 
ting any question as to its members either to legislative or executive discretion. 

This great question of representation is not a question wliich concerns only the 
Southern States, who, I know, are regarded by not a few unrelenting men as having 
forfeited all rights which the Northern States are bound to respect. It is a questicQ 
which concerns the Constitution and the whole country. The people of the whoe 
Union liave a right to demand of tlieir public servants an exact and faithful observarce 
of the Constitution and of all its provisions. It was to enforce and vindicate that Cm- 
stitution that their blood and treasure have been poured oat so lavishly during he 
late four years of civil war. Who could have believed, in advance, that a year ari a 
half after that war had ended, and after the Union had been rescued and restorec so 
far as our gallant aimies and navies could accomplish it, nearly one-third of the Stttes 
should be still seen knocking in vain at the doors of the Capitol, and should be daiied 



51 

even a hearing in the councils of the country ?, Such a course may, indeed, be calcu- 
lated to prolong the predoniiaance of a party, but it seems to me utterly inconsistent 
with the supremacy of the Constitution. 

I have no disposition, however, to indulge ia any imputations, either upon parties or 
upon iudividiials. I hope that a spirit of forbearance and moderation will prevail at 
Philadelpliia, uotTrithstanding the insulting and prescriptive touv; in which the Conven- 
tion has been assailed by so many of the opponents of the President of the United 
States. But I shall be greatly disappointed, I confess, if, through the influence of that 
Convention, or through some other influence, the people of the whole country are not 
soon aroused to the danger of allowing the Constitution of the United States to be 
longer the subject of partial and discretionary observance on the part of those who are 
sworn to support it. It is vain to offer test oaths to others if we fail to fulfil our own 
oaths. The necessities of a state of war may be an excuse for many irregularities, 
both legislative aud executive. But now that, by the blessing of God, a state of peace 
has been restored to us, we are entitled to the Constitution and the Union in all their 
legitimate authority and extent. Nothing less than the whole Constitution and the 
whole Union ought to satisfy us. For one, I should despair of the restoration of law and 
order in the Southern States, and even of the maintenance of our oAvii national credit, 
if there should fail to be exhibited at Washington something of that scrupulous ad- 
herence to the Constitution and the laws which characterized the earlier days of the 
Republic. Nor could anything, in my judgment, be of worse influence upon the future 
career of our country than that Congress should even seem to be holding in abeyance 
any provisions of the Constitution, until they shall have been changed, under duress, 
in order to suit the opi»ions or secure the interests of a predominant party. Against 
such a course of proceeding, I trust the Convention at Philadelphia will put forth a 
seasonable and effective protest. 

Once more regretting my inability to be present at that Convention, and thanking all 
"to whom I am indebted for the honor of being named as a delegate, 

I remain, dear sir, with great regard, very faithfully, yours, 

ROBT. C. WINTHROP. 



Letter from Hon. William G. Rives. 

Caknwath, Dutchess County, New Yoek, August 10, 1866. 
Mt De.vr Sib : I had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 23d a few days 
ago. Since I last wrote to you I perceive that, in my absence from home, I have been 
named one of the delegates of Virginia to the National Union Convention, to be held 
in Philadelphia on the 14th instant. I regret it will not be in my power to attend. 
The state of my health is too feeble to admit of any useful participation in the pro- 
ceedings of that body. I am here at present with my son and his family, in their 
summer residence on the North river, where the congenial quiet and pure highland air 
I am permitted to enjoy will, I trust, gradually restore me to my ordinary health. In 
•the meantime, my warmest wishes aud prayers shall be for the success of your delibe- 
rations, guided, as I am sure they will be, by that spirit of union, of justice, of frater- 
nity, and of a broad and comprehensive patriotism, which originated the proposition of 
the meeting. 

_ The object and principles so well set forth in the call of the Convention have my 
most hearty assent and concurrence ; and I am not less sensible of the fitness and pro- 
priety of such an assemblage at the present moment, to interchange counsels on the 
measures requisite for the maintenance of th« Constitution and the security of Repub- 
lican liberty in this land of ours once so favored, of Heaven. It certainly would not be 
an extraordinary thing if, after the fearful tempest of the unhappy civil strife through 
which we have lately passed, our vessel of state, however nobly she has withstood the 
shock, and however strong and unharmed her timbers and clamps have proved to be, 
should have been somewhat discomposed in her canvas, and been momentarily driven by 
•the stress of the elements from her straight and onward course. It becomes, then, the 
duty of those in charge of her, now that the star of peace once more beams from an 
Tinclouded sky, to take a new observation to ascertain her precise position on the ocean, 
still swollen by the recent tempest ; to put her on her original track ; and^to steer her, 
by the chart of the Constitution, into the port of her destination. 

The sacred observance of the principles of the Constitution is the highest and most 
vital interest of every free country. It is that alone which gives peace and security to 



10 

52 

the wliolo aad to every part ; wliich guarantees the public liberty ; ■nlucli promotes 
enterprise and improvement by coufiib-nce in the future ; \\-hich vivifies private indus- 
try by tb.e pio.-pect of an assured reward; aud leaves every man free, without dis- 
tracting apprehensions and forebodings of Governmental oi^pression, to put forth his 
■whole energies in providing for the wants of himself and family, and, in doing so, to 
oontributf' most eft'ectually to the aggregate wealth, revenue, and prosperity of the 
Nation. If this faithful adherence to the Constitution be the paramount interest of 
every free people, how emphatically is it ours, blessed as we are with freer institutions 
than any other people, and endowed with the wisdom and foresight of our ancestors 
■with a Constitution of Government whieli, by a nice adjustment and balance of State 
and National attributes, entrenches liberty against the eucroachments of power, while 
defending power against the attacks of licentiousness. 

Every free government is necessarily a system of checks and balances, or what Burke 
happily and significantly calls a system of "reciprocal control." This principle our 
ancestors were e;iabled to apply to a greater extent than any modern peojile have 
done, by the f<jrtunate division of our country into separate and independent commu- 
nities. The «'stem devised by them has stood the test of experiment, in peace and in 
war, througlpa period of now eighty years, and has proved itself adequate to every 
vicissitude and exigency of human affairs. While some of the systems of the old 
world, after a far shorter trial, are crumbling into ruin before pur eyes, the federo- 
national system ot America still survives in undiminished vigor, and bids fair "to 
thrive amid the rude concussion of the storm." We have every reason, then, to 
cherish with increased veneration the legacy bequeathed to us by our fathers in the 
Constitution framed by their wis lom, and to surround it with new and watchful pre- 
cautions against usurpation on the one hand, and rash unadvised change on the other. 

All will now admit, in the language of one of the earliest and most distinguished of 
our republican Presidents, when entering on his high office, that, "the preservation 
of the general government, in the whole constitutional vigor, is the sheet-anchor of 
oar peace at home and safety abroad ;" but no attentive observer of the practical ope- 
ration of the Government, or judicious student of its theory, can fail also to agree with 
his immediate successor, bred in the school of the Constitution itself, when, on a like 
solemn occasion, he said, " the rights and authorities reserved to the fc'tates and the 
people are equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of the general sys- 
tem." It is this compound organization of the system — the mutual dependence and 
reciprocal action and reaction of the several parts on each other — which constitutes its 
chief excellence and security, as well as its distinguished characteristic compared with 
other governments. One of those venerable aud able men who bore part in the forma- 
tion of the Constitution, .John Dickinson, adverted, in the Convention, with prophetic and 
far-seeing sagacity, to the division of the country into distinct States as "the chief 
source of siabUiiij'^ to our political system, "It is this," he said, "which is the 
ground of my consolation for the future fate of my country. Without this, and in 
case of the consolidation of the States into one great republic, we might read its fate 
in the history of those which have gone before it." 

The supremacy of the Constitufon and laws of the United States within their allotted 
sphere ; the inviolability aud perpetuity of the Union under the Constitution ; the in- 
competency of a State or States, or of the general Government, to impair the integrity 
of the Union by secession on the one hand, or exclusion on the other, are postulates of 
the political system of America which must be soon, if not already, universally acknowl- 
edged ; the perfect equality of rights among all the States under the Constitution ; 
the exclusive right of each State to regulate its interior concerns, subject only to such 
special exceptions as the Constitution itself has established; the right of each State to 
prescribe for itself the fundamental (ipahfications of suffrage, are correlative proposi- 
tions equally clear, no less necessarpf to the preservation of the system, and go hand 
in hamd with their companion principles just enumerated. The corporate existence 
and privileges of a State under the Constitution are as indestructible as the Union 
itself. 

A State can never be the subect of conqurst in a united Government, however imper- 
fect and loose the bands of connexion may be. It is remarkable that this principle was 
laid down as a well-established maxim of universal law in the late debates of the Corps 
Legislatif of France with regard to the rights of the Germanic Confederation over the 
Duchy of Holstein. ^^lln^y a pas,^' said Monsieur Thiers, "de* droit de cojtquete a 
Veqnrd d' un ronfedtre. La coiijederalion n'urait qu^uv droit de jurisdiction, ct non pas un 
droit dc conqvete, siir le //o/.s-<iV«." The same principle has received the highest judicial 
sanction in this country from luminaries of the bench, whom I am proud to recognize 
as belonging to the North, and elevated far above the possible imputation of any party 
or local bias — of Nelson, of Sprague, of Curtis, of Parker. 



53 

Among the rights of the States, none is certainly more vital thaii that cf represeuts- 

tion in the National Councils acicording to the niles established hy the Constitution a 

right which cannot, without a virtual act of revolution, be denied to a State fulfiiliu? 
in peace and loyalty its obligations to the Union. Instructive lessons for the present 
are often learned by a recurrence to the past ; and in this view a passage of oiir early 
Constitutional History is well worthy of being recalled. In looking ba.k to the pro- 
ceedings and debates of the Federal Convention, as I had occasion to show in the second 
volume of the Life of Madison, recently published, it is seen with Low much jealousy 
and alarm the Eastern States contemplated the future growth and power of the new 
States of the West. Mr. Gouverneur Morris, though at that time a delegate of the 
State of Pennsylvania, was made the spokesman and interpreter of this jealous feelino- 
of the Eastern States. He said : 

" He looked forward to that range of new States which would soon lie formed in the 
West. These States will know less of the public interest than the o'u ; will have an 
interest, in many respects, different; in particular, will be little scrupulous of involv- 
ing the country in wars, the burdens and operations of which would fall chieliy on the 
maritime States." " Among other objections," he added, •• it must be apparent they 
would not be able to furnish men, equally enlightened, to share in the administration 
of the common interests. If the Western people get the power into their hands, they 
will ruin the Atlantic interests." Finally, he said, "seeing the dangers from this 
quarter, he should be obliged to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second 
branch, in order to provide some defence to the Northern States against it ;" and he 
also declared that " he thought the rule of representation in the first branch ought to 
be so fixed as to secure to the Atlantic States the prevalence in the National Councils." 
This hint was immediately taken by Mr. King and Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts ; and 
the latter, repeating the alarm sounded by Mr. Morris, and declaring that " if the 
Western States acquire power they will abuse it, will oppress commerce, and draw our 
wealth into the Western country," actually submitted to the Convention a proposition 
that, whatever might be the future population of the new States of the West, "the 
total number of their Representatives shall never exceed the total number of the Re- 
presentatives of the old States." This invidious attempt on the part of some of th^ 
old States to bind the infant Herctiles of the West in perpetual swaddling bands met 
with an indignant protest from others, and especially from the oldest of them all, 
Virginia. Colonel Mason said : 

" The new States of the West must be treated as equals, and subjected to no degra- 
ding discriminations. They will have the same pride and oth*^r passioiis which we 
have, and will either not unite with or speedily revolt from the Union, if they are not, 
in all respects, placed on an equal footing with their brethren." 

Mr. Madison said : " With regard to the Western States, I am clear and firm in the 
opinion that no unfavorable distinctions are admissible, either in point of justice or 
policy." 

The proposition of Mr. Gerry and Mr. King was rejected — Massachusetts, Connecti- 
cut, Maryland, and Delaware voting for it. New Jersey, Virgiuia, North Carolina, 
South Carolina, and Georgia against it, and Pennsylvania divided. 

The great principle of the eqaal right of all the States to representation in the national 
councils, by one and the same rule, was thus victoriously and permanently established 
in the Constitution against all the efforts and devices of sectional jealousy or ambition 
to thwart and defeat it. Wh^t is now the sweeping exclusion of ten States of the 
Union from a common representation in the national councils but a reversal, by a sub- 
ordinate and brief authority, of the supreme decision of the Convention and the people, 
and an eflbrt to revive, in another form, the injurious sectional discrimination attempted 
and overruled in 1787 ? Each State has an inherent interest and right in the equal, 
constitutional representation of all the States. If the West, for example, shall think 
that the representative voice of the South would be with her in any question of na- 
tional policy which may divide the public councils, she has a direct, immediate interest 
in the equal and just representation of the South ; and to withhold the representation 
is the same to her, practically, in the decision ot every such question, as the undis- 
guised and open mutilation and retrenchment of her own representation. And what, 
it is well worth while to consider, may not be the danger to so many of the States 
having a representation in one branch of the Legislature out of all proportion to their 
population of once setting the example of breaking in upon the solemn, constitutional* 
adjustment of a subject involving such delicate and precarious interests ? 'J 

In writing to you thus, my dear sir, I have been borne along by the current of my 
thoughts, and by an earnest solicitude for the preservation of the Constitution, into «. ' 
statement of my own views on topics which certainly require no discussion to yott. 
You have sounded "all the depths and shoals" of constitutional learning, as you have 



54 

done and will long continm- to do, I trust, of the public Lonor^ of your country. My 
csureer, il" career it may be call-d, is ended. Still, as a nitizen, a patriot, and a man, I 
cannot but feel the deepest interest iu whatever concerns the eventful future of our 
magnificent couiuion country. I accept, without hesitation or reserve, the constitu- 
tional amendment already made for the extinoti in oi .slavery — a consummation Ion"- 
and anxiously sought, though in a different ino.le. and by othcv agencies, by many of 
the wisest and moit illustrious c;ii„>ju.s of my v,.n State. In all other respects, my 
fervent prayer is thlt the Constitution of olii- lathers, with the admiiable wisdom and 
harmony pervading its complete n/'justLieuts, may be defended from th« rude haul of 
headlong innovation -or wanton enci-oachments, and thai it may continue, with each 
revolving year, to the remotest generations, to shed its blessings on a free, united, and 
Christian people. 
Bdieve niv.-. my dear sir, most truly vour friend, 

W. C. RIVES. 



Letter from Judge B. E. Curtis. 

PiTTSFiEi-D, Mass., July 25, 1S66. 
Ho.\'. 0. H. Bkowning, WASui.NOtos : 

Dkak dift : I thank you for sending me a copy of the call for the National Conven- 
tion to be held in Thiiadelphia on the 14th day of August next. 

In the present unhappy condition of our national affairs, it seems to me fit and im- 
portant that delegates of the people should come together from all parts of our country, 
to manifest, in an authentic and convincing way, the adhesion of their constituents to 
the^ fundamental principles of our Government, and to that policy and course of action 
Which necessarily re-ult from them. In my judgment, the propositions contained iu 
the call of the Convention are consistent with those princip'es and that policy. 

The nature of our Government does not permit the United States to destroy a State, 
or acquire its territory by conquest. Neither does it permit the people of a State to 
destroy the State, or lawfully affect, in any yrAy, any one of its relations to the United 
States. One is as consistent with our Constitution as the other ; while that Constitution 
remains operative, each is impossible. 

But the Government of the United States may, and must, in the discharge of con- 
stitutional duty, subdue, by arms, any number of its rebellious citizens into quiet sub- 
mission to its lawful authority. And if the officers of a State, having the actual con- 
trol of its government, have disobeyed the requirement to swear to support the Consti- 
tution, and have abused the powers of the State by making war on the United States, 
this presents the case of an usurping and unlawful government of a State, which the 
United States may rightfully destroy by force ; for, undoubtedly, the provision of the 
Constitution that " the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re- 
publican form of government " must mean a republican form of government in har- 
mony with the Constitution, and which is so organized as to be in this Union. 

But neither the power and duty of the Government of the United States to subdue 
by arms rebellious people iu the territorial limits of one or more States, nor its power 
and duty to destroy an usurping government de facto, can possibly authorize the United 
States to destroy one of the States of the Union, or, what must amount to the same 
thing, to acquire that absolute right over its people and its territory which results from 
conquest in foreign war. There are only two alternatives : One is, that in subduing re- 
bellion the United States act rightfully within the limits of powers conferred by the 
Constitution ; the other is, that they make war on a part of their own people because 
it is the will of those who control the Government for the time being to do so, and for 
such objects as they may choose to attain. The last of these alternatives has not been 
asserted by either department of the Government of the United States at any time, 
and I doubt if any considerable number of persons can be found to sanction it. 

But if the first alternative be adopted, it follows that the Constitution which 
amthorJzed the war prescribed the objects which alone can rightfully be accomplished 
by it ; and those objects are, not the destruction of one or more States, but their 
preservation ; not the destruction of Government in a Stat*,- but the restoration of its 
government to a republican form in harmony with the Constitution; not the acquisi- 
tion of the territory of a State, and of that absolute control over the persons and 
property of its people which a foreign conqueror would possess, but their submission to 
the Constitution and laws of the United States. But it seems to me a great and fanda- 



55 

mental error to eonfonnd the case of the conquest of a foreign-territoi y and people with 
the case of submission to a lawful and established constitutional Government, enforced 
through the powers conferred on that Government for that specific purpose. 

It is quite true that such a civil contest may have, and in our country has liad, the 
proportions of an actual war ; and that humanity and public law unite iii dictating the 
application of rules designed to mitigate its evils and regulate the conditions upon which 
it should be carried on. 

But these rules of public law which concern the rights and power of a conqueror of 
foreign territory, reduced by conquest to entire submission, have no relation to the 
active prosecution of war. Their operation begins when war has ended in submission ; 
they are the laws of a state of peace, and not of a state of war. 

To suppose that the Government of the United States can, in a stf,te of peace, right- 
fully hold and exercise absolute and unlimited power over a part of its territory and 
people just so long as it may choose to do so, appears to me to be Uiiwarianted by any 
rules of public law, abhorrent to right reason, and inconsistent with the nature of our 
Government. 

When war has ceased, when the authority of the Constitution and laws of the United 
States has been restored and established, the United States are in possession, not under 
a new title, as conquerers, but under their old title, as the lawful Government of the 
country ; and that title has been vindicated, not by the destruction of one or more 
States, but by their preservation ; and this preservation can be worked out practically 
only by the restoration of republican governments organized in harmony with the Con- 
stitution. 

The title of a conqueror is necessarily inconsistent with a republican government, 
which can be formed only by the people themselves, to express and exeeirte their will. 
And if the preservation of the States within the Union was one of the objects of the 
war, and they can be preserved only by having republican governments organized in 
harmony with the Constitution, and such governments can be organized only by the 
people of those States, then manifestly it is not only the right, but tho constitutional 
duty of the people of those States to organize such governments ; and the Govern- 
ment of the United States can have no rightful authority to prohibit their organization. 
But this right and duty of the people of the several States can only begin when war 
has ceased, and the authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States have 
been restored and established ; and, from the nature of the case, the Government of 
the United States must determine when that time has come. 

It is a question of great interest, Certainly, but not, I think, of great dirficulty, how 
and by whom the Government of the United States should determine when that time 
has come. 

The question whether de facto governments and hostile populations have been com- 
pletely subdued by arms, and the lawful authority of the United States restored and 
established, is a military and executive* question. It does not require legislative^ 
action to ascertain the necessary facts ; and, from the nature of the case, legislative 
action cannot change or materially afl'ect them. As commander-in-chief of the army 
and navy, and as the chief executive officer, whose constitutional duty it is to see that 
the laws are faithfully executed, it is the ofSieial duty of the President to know whethei: . 
a rebellion has been suppressed, and whether the authority of the Constitution and 
laws of tbe United States has been completely restored and firmly established. 

The mere organization of a republican government, in harmony with the Union, bj 
the people of one of the existing States of the United States, requires no enabling act 
of Congress, and I can find no authority in the Constitution for any interference by 
Congress to prohibit or regulate the organization of such a government by the people 
of an existing State of the Union. On the other hand, it is clearly necessary that the 
President should act, so far, at least, as to remove out of the way military restrictions 
on the power of the people to assemble and do those acts which are necessary to reor- 
ganize their government. This, I think,. he was bound to do as soon as he became, 
satisfied that the right time had come. 

After much reflection, and with no such partiality for Executive power as would be 
likely to lead me astray, I have formed the opinion that the Southern States are now 
as rightfully, and should be effectually, in the Union as they were before the madness 
of their people attempted to carry them out of it ; and in this opinion I believe a 
majority of the people of the Northern States agree. 

The work the people are waiting to have done this Convention may greatly help. If 
it will elevate itself above sectional passions, ignore all party schemes, despise the 
sordid and party scramble for offices, and fairly represent the national instinct that the 
time now is when complete Union of all the States is a fact which it is a crime not to 
accomplish, itt action cannot fail to be beneficial to our country. 



56 

Tlie passions j^enerated in a great and divided people by long and bloody civil war 
»re d»ep and loimilable. .Tliey are not coutiued to one section; the victor a-; well as 
the vauijuiohed are swayed by tliein. They connect themsielves with tb< puicat and, 
ieudtrest sensibilities of our nature ; with our love of country : with our lov.? of those 
who have laid down their lives in the contest ; with Ihe safTerings which v.rr, iu mul- 
tiplied forms, always bring to th-; homes of men, and still more to the homes of 
women, and which civil war, most o; all, brings to the homes of all ; and these paasions 
are the sharp and ready tools of part,v spirit, of self interest, oi perversity, and, most of 
all, of that fierce infatuation which finds its best satisfaction in hatred, and its only en- 
joyment in revenge. 

No stateman who is acquainted with the nature of man and the necessities of civil 
government can contemplate such passions without the deepest concern, or fail to do 
what he litly may to allay them. Hard enough the work will prove to be, at the 
best. But a scrupulous regard fur the rights of all an I a mugnauimous clemency are 
twice blessed; they both elevate and sofl»m the powerful, and they reach and subdue 
■what laws and bayonets cannot control. 

1 believe that there is now a general conviction among the people that this great and 
difficult work is practicable. That it will long remain so, if the present state of things 
;jontiuues, I have not the hardihood to trust. I look to the Convention with hope that 
it will do much to help onwmd this instinctive desire of the people of the United States 
for imion and harmony and peace. That it will assert, strongly and clearly, those 
principles which are the foundations of our Government ; that it will exhibit tin.' con- 
nection between their violation and the present distracted condition of our country ; 
that it will rebuke the violence of party spirit, and especially of that spirit of hatred 
which is as inconsistent with the tiue love of our country as it is with true love of oar 
bretheren ; and that it v,-ill do much to convince th^? people of the United States that 
they must act soon, in the wisest way, or suflfer evils whi-L they and their posterity 
■will long deplore. 

With great respect, I am your obedient servant, 

B. R. CURTIS. 



Letter of Hon. J. >S'. Black. 

Nkw Yokk, Juli/ 25, IStJG. 
To the Rev. Alfp.ed Nevix, D D. : 

My Deak Sik : Your letter addressed to me through the Philadelphia Evening 
Bulletin disappoints me, because 1 did not expect it to come in that way, and because 
it does not cover the subject in issue between us ; but, if 1 am silent, your friends 
will say, with some show of reason, that you have vindicated ''Political Preach- 
ing''^ so triumphantly that all opposition is confounded. 1 must, therefore, speak 
freely in reply. In doing so, 1 mean to say nothing inconsistent with my great respect 
for your high character in the Church and in the World. The admirable style and 
temper of your own communication deserves to be imitated. 

1 fully concede the right you claim for clergymen to select their own themes and 
handle them as they please. You say truly that neither lawyers nor physicians, nor 
any other order of men, have the least authority to control you in these particulars. 
But you will not deny that this is a privilege which may be abused. You expressly 
admit that some clergymen have abused it, " ami, hi/ doing so, did more than any other 
class of men to commence and continue the laic, rebellion.'" While, therefore, we can assert 
BO power to dictate your conduct, much less to force you, we are surely not wrong 
when we entreat you to impose upon yourselves those restrictions which reason and 
revelation have shown to be necessary for the good of the Church and the safety of 
civil society. 

I acknowledge that your commission is a very broad 0B«. You must "declare the 
whole counsel of God,'' to the end that sinners may be convinced and converts built up 
in their most holy faith. Truth, justice, temperance, humility, mercy, peace, brotherly 
kindness, charity — the whole circle of the Christian virtues — must be assiduously 
taught to your hearers ; and, if any of them be inclined to the opposite vices, you are 
to denounce them without fear, by private admonition, by open rebuke, or by a gene- 
ral delivery of the law which condemns them. You are not bound to pause in the per- 
formance of this duty because it may offend a powerful ruler or a strong political party. 



57 

Nor should you shrink from it when bad men, for their own purpose?, approve what 
you do. Elevate the moral character, enlighten the darkut-ss, and purify the hearts of 
those who are under y.ur spiritual charge at all hazards ; for this is the work whicfe 
your Great Taskmaster has given you to do, and He will admit no excuse for neg- 
lecting it. 

But this is precisely what the Political Preacher is not in the habit of doing. He directs 
the attention of hLs hearers aw.iy from. their own sins to the sins — real or irriputed — of 
other people. By teaching his congregation that they are better than other men, he 
fills their hearts with self-conceit, bigotry, spiritual pride, envy, hatred, malice, and 
all uncLaritableness. Instead of the exhortation, which they neea, to take the beam 
out of their own eye, he incites them to pluck the mote from their brother's. He does 
not tell them what they shall do to be saved, but he instructs them very carefully how 
they sliall act for the destruction of others. He rouses and encourages to the utmost 
of his ability those brutal passions which result in riot, bloodshed, spoliation, civil 
war, and general corruption of morals. 

You commit a grievious error in supposing that politics and religion are so mingled 
together that you cannot preach one without introducing the other. Christ and his 
Apostles kept them perfectly separate. They announced the great^ facts of the Gospel 
to each individiial whom they addressed. When these were accepted the believer was 
told to repent and be baptized for the remission of liis sins, and afterwards to regulate 
his own life by the rules of a pure and perfect morality. They expressed no preference 
for one form of government over anotlier. They provoked no political revolutions, 
and they proposed no legal reforms. If they had done so they would have liatly con- 
tradicted the declaration that Clni.st's Kingdom was not of this world, and Christianity 
itself would have died out in half a century. But they accepted the relations which, 
were created by human law and exorted their disciples to discharge faithfully the 
duties which arose out of them. Though the laws which defined the authority of hus- 
bands, parents, masters, and magistrates were as bad as human perversity could make 
them, yet the early Christians contented themselves with teaching moderation in the 
exercise of legal power, and uniformly inculcated the virtues of obedience and fidelity 
upon wives, children, slaves, and subjects. They joined in no clamors for or against 
any administration, but simply testified against sin before the only tribunal which 
Christ ever erected on earth ; that is to say, the conscience of the sinner himself. The 
vice of political preacliing was wholly unknown to the primitive Church. 

It^is true that Paul counselled obedience to the government of Nero ; and I am 
aware that modern clergymen interpret his words, as a justification of the doctrine, 
that support of an existing administration is "part of their allegiance to God." 
Several Synods and other ecclesiastical bodies have solemnly resoUed something to that 
effect. But they forget that what Paul advised was simple submission, not active 
assistance, to Nero. The Christians of that day did not endorse his atrocities merely 
because he was "the administration duly placed in power." They did not go with, 
him to the theatre, applaud his acting, or praise him in the churches when he kid- 
napped their brethren, set fire to a city, or desolated a province. Nor did they assist 
at his apotheosis after his death, or pronoiince funeral sermons to show that he was 
greater than Scipio, more virtuous than Cato, and more eloquent than Cicero. Politi- 
cal preachers would have done this, but Paul and Peter did no such thing. 

There is nothing in the Scriptures to justify the Church in applying its discipline to 
any member for ollences purely political, much less for his mere opinions or feelings 
on public alfairs. The clergy are withoxit authority, as they are often without fitness, 
to decide for their congregation what is right or what is wrong in the legislation of the 
country. They are not called or sent to propagate any kind of political doctrine. The 
Church and the State are entirely separate and distinct in their origin, their object, 
and the sphere of their action : insomueh that the organism of one can never be used 
for any purpose of the other without injury to both. 

Do 1, therefore, say that the Christir.n religion is to have no influence on the politi- 
cal destiny of man ? Far from it. Notwitlistanding the unfaithfulness of many pro- 
fessors, it has already changed the f«ce of human society ; and it will yet accomplish 
its mission by spreading pe;tce, independence, truth, justice, and liberty regulated by 
law, "from the sea to the uttermost ends of the earth." But this will be accotn- 
plished only b/ reforming and elevating the individuals of whom society is composed; 
not by exasper.iting communities against each other ; not by any alliance with the 
Governments of the world ; not by any vulgar partnership with politicians to kill and 
plunder their enemies. 

Every time you reform a bad man and bring his character up to? the standard of 
ChrLstain morality, you make an addition, greater or less, to that righteousness which 
exaltelh a Nation, and subtract an equal stim from the sin which is a reproach to any 



,58 

k • 

people. Sometimes a single conversion is extremely important in itB immeliate effact 
upon the publio interest of a whole nation. No doubt the acceptance of the truth bj 
Dionysius, the Areopagate had muoh to do in moulding the subsequent laws and cus- 
toms of Athens. The oouversion of Constautiue was followed by the instant abroga- 
tion of all laws which fettered the conscience. In the reign of Theodosius the people 
of Thessalonica rone against the Roman garrison and killed its commander. For this 
act of rebellion, the Emperor decreed against them the curse of an indiscriminate war, 
in whicli the guilty and the innocent were confounded together in one general slaugh- 
ter. His spiritual "guide, philosopher, and fiioud," at the time, was Ambrose, Arch- 
bishop of Milan, who boldly denounced his cruelty, refused to give him the Sacrament, 
or even to administer it in his presence, compelled him to take his seat among the 
penitents on the portico of the church and induced him to humble his diadem in the 
dust for eight months in succession. The conscience of the Emperor was thoroughly 
awakened , his subsequent reign was distinguished by justice and mercy, the integrity 
of the Empire was preserved in peace, and the great Theodosian Code, the product of 
that bitter repentance, is still read and quoted for its admirable union of humanity 
and policy. Ambrose produced these consequences by acting in the true capacity of a 
Christian minister ; for he reformed the criminal by a direct appeal to his own heart. 
A Political Preacher in the same circumstances would have iutiamed the sanguinary 
pa3sion3 of the monarch by exaggerating the treason of the Thessalonians and coun- 
selling the military execution of all who presumed to sympathize in their sufferinga. 

You will see, I think, the distinction I would make. A gospel preacher addresses 
the conscience of his hearers for the honest purpose of converting them from the error 
of their ways — a Political Preacher speaks to one community, one party or one sect, 
and his theme is the wickedntSj of another. The latter effects no religious purposes 
Whatever ; but the chances are ninety-nine in a hundred that he excites the bad pas- 
sions of those who are present, while he slanders the absent and undefended. Both 
classes of preachers frequently speak upon the same or similar subjects, but they do 
80 with different objects and aims. 

I will make my meaning more clear by taking your own illustrations. You believe 
in th<» first day of tlie week as a Sabbath, and so believing your duty undoubtedly is 
to exhort all persons under your charge to observe it strictly ; but you have no right 
to preach a crusade against the Jews and Seventh-day Baptists, to get intolerant laws 
enacted against them for keeping Saturday as a day of rest. If drunkeness be a sin 
which easily besets your congregation, you may warn them against it, and inasmuch 
as abstinence is always easier than moderation, you should advise them to t^ te not, 
touch not, and handle not ; but your position gives you noauthority to provoke violent 
hostilities against tavern keepers, liquor dealers, or distillers. If any of your hearers 
be ignorant or coar.se enough to desire more wives than one a piece, you should cer- 
tainly teach them that polygamy is the worst feature of Asiatic manners, inconsistent 
with Christianity, and dangerous to domestic happiness ; but you cannot lawfully urge 
them to carry fire and sword into the territory of the Mormons merely because some of 
the Mormons are in this respect less holy than you. If the holding of slaves or bond 
servants be a practical question among the members of your church, I know of nothing 
which forbids you to teach whatever you conscientiously believe to be true on that 
subject. But in a community where slavery is not only unknown but impossible, why 
should any preacher make it'the subject of his weekly vituperation ? You do not im- 
prove the religion of the slave-holder by traducing his character nor mend the spiritual 
condition of your own peoj.le by making them thirst for the blood of their fellow men. 

If any person, to wliom the service of another is due by the laws of tlie Stat« in 
which he lives, shall need your instructions to regulate his personal conduct towards 
tlie slave, you are bound in the first place to tell him, that as long as that relation 
exists, he should behave with th.^ utmost humanity and kiudness ; for this you have 
the clear warrant of the ApostoJic example and precept. In dealing with such a person 
you may go as much further as your own conscientious interpretation of the Bible will 
carry you. If you .are sure that the divine law does, under all circumstances, make 
tli.^ mere exist^^nce of such a relation sinful on the part of the master, you should 
induce him to dissolve it bvthe immediate emancipation of his slaves ; for that is truth 
to vou which vou believe to be true. IJut where is the authority for preaching hatred 
of thosi! who iind-Tstand the Scripture dift'er.^ntly ! What privilege canyon show for 
exciting servile insurrection? Who gave you the right to say that John Brown was 
better than any other thief or murderer, merely because his crimes were committed 
against pro-slavory men ? 

I tliini: the minister, in his pulpit discourses, is forbidden to touch at all upon that 
<;lass of subjects which ar«< purely p)i:,,oal; such for instance as the banking law, 
tariff, railro.id charters, state rights, the natural! zatiou laws, and uegi o suffrage. These 



59 

ate questions of jiiere political expediency ; religion takes no cognizance of them ; they 
come within the sole jurisdiction of the statesman ; and the Church ha.^ no more right 
to take sides upon them than the civil government has to use its l<^gislative, judicial, 
or executive power for the purpose of enforcingprineiphs wholly religious. 

In short, if I am not entirt-ly mistaken, a Christian minister has no authority to 
preach upon any subjects except those in which divine revelation has given him an in- 
fallible rule of faith au«l practice ; and, even upon them, he must speak always for the 
edification of his own hearers, "rightly dividing the word of truth," so as to lend 
them in the way of *11 righteousness. When he does more than this he goes beyond 
his commission, he becomes a scurvy politician, and his influence is altogether per- 
nicious. 

The use of the clerical office for the purpose of propagating political doctrines under 
any circumstances, or with any excuse, is, in my judgment, not only without authori- 
ty, but it is the highest crime that can he committed against the government of God 
cr man. Perhaps I ought not to make this broad assertion withoiit giving some addi- 
tional reasons for it. 

In the first place it is grossly dishonest. I employ you as a minister, pay your 
salary and build you a church, becaur.e I have confidence in your theological doctrines ; 
hut you may be at the same time wholly unfit for my political leader. Now, you are 
guilty of a base fraud upon me if, instead of preaching religion, yoii take advantage 
of the position I have given you to ventilate your crude and ignorant notions on State 
afifairs. I have asked for bread, and you give me a stone ; instead of the fish I bar- 
gained for, you put into my hands a serpent that stings and poisons me. 

It destroys the unity of the Church. There is no room for rational dispute about 
the great truths of Christianity ; but men will never agree upon political subjects, for 
human government is at best but a compromise of selfish interests and conllicting pas- 
sions. When you mix the two together, you break the Church into fragments, and 
instead of " one Lord, one faith, and one baptism," you create a thousand warring 
sects, and substitute the proverbial bitterness of the odium fheologicmn for the "charity 
which thinketh no evil." 

No one will deny that the union of Church fxA State is always the cause of bad govern, 
ment, perverted religion, and corrupt morate. I do not mean merely that legal union 
which exists in European countries. That is bad enough ; but you have loss common 
sense than I give you credit for, if you do not see that this adulterous connexion 
assumes its most colluting form when the Church is voluntarily prostituted by her 
own ministers to a political party in a popular government. 

The evil influence of such connexions upon Church and State is easily accounted 
for. Both of them in combination will do what either would recoil from if standing 
alone. A politician backed by the promise of the clergy to sustain him can safely 
defy honesty and trample upon the law, for, do what he may, he is assured of a cleric 
cal support here and of HeaVen hereafter. The ckrgy on the other hand, and those 
who are under their inllaence, easily acquire tiie habit of praising indiscriminately 
whatever is done by their public men. Acting and reacting on one another, they go 
dowu together in the direction of the pit that is bottomless, and both are found to have 
**« strange alacrity at sinking." 

No man can serve two masters faithfully > for he must hate one if he loves the other. 
A minister who admires and follows SH«h men as those who have lately ruled and 
ruined this country must necessarily desipise the character of Christ. If he glorifies 
the cruelty, rapacity, and falsehood of his pa-ty leaders, he is compelled by an inflexi- 
ble law of liuman nature to " dc^ny 'the Lord who bought him." 

The experience of fifteen centuries ^iroves that Political Preachers are the great curse 
of the wwH. More than half the fcoody wars which, at dillerent periods, have deso- 
lated C'kTistendom, were produced t>y their direct instigation ; and wherever they have 
thrus-t themselves into a contest oommenced by others, they always envenomed the 
strife -and made it more cruel, savage, and uncompromising. The religious wars, 
so-CB5!^ed, had nothing religious about them except that they were hissed up by the 
clergy. Look back and see if this be not true. 

Ifhe Arian controverey (the first great schism) was followed by wars in which millions 
-of lives were lost. Do you suppose the real quarrel was for the insertion or omiss.on 
'oi fiUocjue in that part of the creed which describes the procession of the Holy Ghost? 
■Did a homonosian slaiigfhter bis brother because he wa.s a homfioitsian ? No, it was not 
the diflTerence of a dinthong, but the plunder of am Empire that they fought for. It 
was the politics of the Church, not her religion, thai infuriated the parties and con- 
verted men into demons. 

The Thirty Years War in Germany is often supposed to have been a fair stand up 
fight between the two leading forms of Christianity. It was not so. The religious 



60 ~ \ 

<iiffer<jnce was the false pretence of the Political Preachers for the promotion of their 
own schemes. There was not a sane man oa all the Continent who woald have felt 
himself impelled by motives merely religious to murder his neighbor for believing or 
disbelieving in transubstantiation. If proof of this were wanting, it might be found 
in the fact that, long before the war ended, the sectarian cries v^ere abandoned, and 
Catholics, as well as Protestants, were fighting on both sides. 

It is utterly impossible to believe that the clergy of England and Scotland, if they 
had not been politicians, would have thought of waging bloody wars to settle ques- 
tions of election and reprobation, fate, foreknowledge, free will, and other points of 
metaphysical theology. Nor would they, apart from their politics, have encouraged 
and committed the other horrid crimes of which they were guilt/ in the name of reli- 
gion. 

Can you think that the Irish were invaded and conquered, and oppressed, and mur- 
dered, and robbed for centuries, merely because the English loved and believed in the 
Protestant religion ? I suppose you know that those brutal atrocities were carried on 
/or the purpose of giving to Political Preachers in England possession of the churches, 
cathedrals, glebe lands and tythes which belonged to the Irish Catholics. The soldier 
was also rewarded by conliscations and plunder. The Church and the Stat« hunted in 
soaples, and Ireland was the prey which they ran down together. 

Coming to our own country you find Massachusetts and Connecticut in colonial times 
under the sole domination of political preachers. Their treacherous wars upon the 
Indians for purposes wholly mercenary ; their enslaving of white persons, as well as 
red ones, and selling them abroad, or "swapping them for blackmoors ;" their whip- 
ping, imprisoning, and killing Quakers and Baptists, for their conscientious opinions ; 
and their base treatment of such men as Roger Williams and his friends, will mark 
their government through all time as one of the cruelest and meanest that ever ex- 
isted. 

Political preachers have not behaved any better since thelRovolution than before. 
About the commencement of the present century they were busy in their vile vocation 
;ill over New England, and continued it for many years. The wilful and deliberate 
slanders habitually uttered from the pulpit against Jefferson, Madiaon, and the friends 
who supported them, were a disgrace to human nature. The immediate effect of this 
was the Yankee plot to secede from the Union, followed by corrupt combinations, with 
a foreign enemy to betray the liberties of the coautry. Its remoter consequences are 
seen in the shameless rapacity and bitter malignity which, even at this moment, are 
howling for the property and blood of an unarmed and defenceless people. 

You and I both remember the political preaching which ushered in and supported 
the reign of the Know -Nothings, Blood Tubs, and Plug Uglies ; when Maria Monk was 
a saint and Joe Barker was Mayor of Pittsburg ; when pulpits resounded every Sunday 
with the most injurious falselioods against Catholic* ; when the public mind was de- 
bauched by the inculcation of hypocrisy and deception ; when ministers mot their 
political allies in sworn sccresy to plot against the rights of their fellow-citixens. You 
cannot forget what came of this — riot, murder, church burning, lawless violence all 
over the land, and ths subjugation of several great States to the political rule of a 
party destitute alike of principle and capacity. 

I could easily prove that those clerical politicians, who have tied their churches to 
the tail of the Abolition party, arc criminal on a grander scale than any of their pre- 
decessors. Bat 1 forbear, partly because I liive no time, and partly because it may, 
for aught I know, be a sore subject with you. I would not excite your wrath, but 
rath er "provoke you to good works." 

Apart from the general subject there are two or three special ideas expressed in your 
letter from which I venture to dissent. 

You think that, though a minister may speak from the pulpit on politics he ought 
not indicate what party he belongs to. It strikes me, that if he lias a party, and wants 
to give it ecclesiastical aid or comfort, he should boldly avow himself to be what he is, 
su> thatall men may know him. Sincerity is the first of virtues. It is bad to be a 
wolf, but a wolf in sheep's clothing is infinitely worse. 

You represent the church as an unfinished structure and the State as its scafTolding. 
1 think the church lime perfect from the hand of its divine Architect — built upon a 
Tock, established, finished, complete — and every one who comes into it by the right 
door will find a mansion prepared for him. It needs no scaffold. Its founder re fused 
&U connection with human governments for .scaffolding or any other purpose. 

You say (in nub-stance j that, without sometimes taking politicial subjects, a minis- 
ter is in danger of falling into a " vague, indefinite, and non-committal style" which 
will do no good and bring him no respect. The Uospel is not vague, indefinite, or non- 
committal upon the sul'jects of which it takes jurisdiction, and upon them you m^y 



61 

preach as loudlv- as yoii please. But I admit that in times of great public excitement — 
an important election or a civil war — men listen impatiently to the teachings of faith 
and repentance. A sermon which tells them to do justice, love mercy, and walk 
humbly before God, is not an entertainment to which they willingly invitethemselves. 
At such a time a clergyman can vastly increase his personal consequence, and win 
golden opinions from his audience, by pampering their passions with a highly seasoned 
discourse on politics. The temptation to gratify them°often becomes too strong for the 
virtue of the preacher. I fear that you yourself are yielding to it. As a mere layman, 
I have no right to advise a Doctor of Divinity, but I hope I am not over presumptuous 
when I warn you against the specious allurement of Satan. All thoughts of putting 
the Gospel aside because it does not suit the depraved tastes of the day, and making 
political harangues to win popularity in a bad world, should be sternly trampled down 
as the suggestions of that Evil One, "who was a liar and a murderer from the begin- 
ning." 

Faithfully yours, &c., 

J. S. BLACK. 



Report of General Gordon Granger. 

To His Excellency Andrew Johnson, 

President of the United States: 

Sir : In obedience to instructions, dated May 9, 1866, directing me, 
while carrying out a specific mission, "to examine carefully into the 
disposition of the people of the Southern States through which I 
might pass toward the Government of the United States," I have the 
honor to report : 

That in all the States I .visited I found no sign or symptom of or- 
,ganized disloyajty to the General Government. I found the people 
taking our currency, and glad to get it, anxious for Northern capital 
and Northern labor to develop the resources of their wasted country, 
and well-disposed to^vard every Northern man who came among them 
with that object in view. 

In some localities I heard rq^mors of secret organizations pointing 
to a renewal of the rebellion. On investigating these secret societies, 
I could discover in them nothing more than charitable institutions, 
having for their principal object the relief of the widows and orphans 
of Confederate soldiers v/ho bad fallen in the war. 

During the whole of my travels I found it to be as safe and as con- 
venient to mingle with the people of the South, freely discussing any 
and every topic that came up, as in any other section of the United 
States. I was often among them unknown, and the tenor of their acts 
apd conversation was then the same as when my name and official 
position was thoroughly understood. 

The people of the South may be divided into two classes : There 
'^is the industrious class, laboring earnestly to build up what has been. 



62 C^ 

r 
broken down, striving to restore prosperity to the country, and inte- 
rested mainly in the great question of providing food and clothing for 
themselves and families. These form the great majority of the people. 
Then there is another class, an utterly irresponsible class, composed 
mainly of young men who were the " bucks" of Southern society 
before the war, and chiefly spent their time in lounging round the 
court-rooms and bars, in chicken fighting and gambling. These have 
been greatly broken up by the war : many of them have been killed ;. 
but those who remain are still disturbing elements in thie community, 
and are doing much mischief. It is this class of men, and a number 
of the poor whites, who have formed gangs for horse-stealing, ^t is 
they who, in some instances, have made attacks on officers of the 
Freedmen's Bureau, and have ill-treated the freedmen. It is they who 
afford the main pretext for saying that there is among the people of 
the South a feeling of hostility toward the United States Government. 
But they are not the representatives of the Southern people. They 
form but an insignificant minority in the community, and even they 
are actuated not so much by a feeling of opposition to the Govern- 
ment as by a reluctance to earn their own livelihood by honest labor 
and individual exertion. 

That cases of authentic outrage have occurred in the South is patent 
to every one familiar with the current news of the day. But these 
cases are few and far between, and it is both unjust and ungenerous 
to charge the responsibility for such acts of lawlessness upon the whole 
Southern people. For some malicious purpose, accounts of these 
isolated disorders have been collected and grouped together, and sown 
broadcast over the North, so as to give to the public mind an utterly 
erroneous impression as to the condition of Southern society. The 
fact is, that wherever disaffection and turbulence have manifested 
themselves outside the class to whom I have above alluded, there has 
been some local or specific cause to account for it. Lawlessness, like 
an epidemic, has extended over particular belts of the country, and, 
like an epidemic, is equally traceable to some initiatory cause. Chief 
among these causes must be named bad government, pillage, and 
oppression. 

For five years the Southern people have been subjects of gross mis- 
rule. During the war their Government was a military despotism, 
dependent solely upon the dklnm. of "Tin iudtvidual. Since the war 
they have been lelt more or less in a chaotic state — their government 
semi-civil, semi-military, or rather a division of rule between the mili- 
tary, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Provisional Governments 
What might have been the result of a different policy it is not altc- 
gether idle to speculate. Every military man who served in the Sou»h 
during the war will agree that the heart of the great mass of the peo- 
ple was not thoroughly in the struggle. The number of desertions 
from the rebel armies abundantly establishes this fact. Had a polioj of 
wise and statesman-like conciliation been followed out immediately af er 
the close of the war, it is more than probable that the condition and 
disposition of the people would now be far better than they are. Bui 
on the subjugation of the South, the National authority in the latel} 



63 

rebellious States was divided and broken up into opposing factions, 
■whose action greatly hindered the re-establishment of civil law and 
good order, so much needed among people demoralized by the most 
demoralizing of all agencies — civil war. The country was flooded with 
Treasury agents who, with their accomplices and imitators, fleeced the 
people right and left, returning into the United States Treasury for all 
the enormous amount of property they seized and confiscated barely 
•enough to pay the cost of confiscation. Agents of the Freed men's 
Bureau stepped between the planter and the laborer, stirring up' strife, 
perpetuating aiftagonism, and often adding their quota of extortion 
and oppression. On every hand the people saw themselves robbed 
and wronged by agents and self-appointed agents professing to act 
under the sanction of the United States Government. Need it be 
wondered at that among a community thus dealt with, powerless to 
^resist and too weak and prostrated for successful complaint, some bit- 
terness and ill-feeling should arise ? None but a brave and well- 
meaning people could have endured unresistingly all that the South. 
Las undergone. 

In prosecuting this inquiry I hardly deemed it fair to ask more than 
what had been the actions of the people of the South towards the 
General Government. With their private opinions, their sympathies, 
and their prejudices, I had nothing to do. Yet, for a more thorough, 
understanding of the question, I made it a part of my mission to in- 
vestigate even these. I found they had universally complied with the 
conditions granted and accepted at the final surrender of their armies 
and cause. I found that they were carrying out with good faith and 
alacrity the requirements of the Constitutional Amendment abolishing 
slavery, and that in all the States, except Mississippi and Texas, the 
famous Civil Rights Bill had been anticipated by the action of the 
State Legislatures previous to its passage by Congress. Further than 
this, I found that, in the repudiation of every dollar known as the 
Confederate debt, the same prompt action had been taken by the State 
authorities, and had been universally endorsed by the people; and I 
neither saw nor hcui'd any disposition, or anything that pointed towards 
a disposition, to repudiate the National debt, or to revive the institu- 
tion of slavery. 

But while th« Southern people are thus loyal, and have fulfilled all 
the requirements asked of them by the Federal Government, it is im- 
possible to disguise the fact, and the better class of citizens do not 
attempt to disguise it, that there is among thera a deep feeling and a 
strong apprehension as to the cause of their long-continued exclusion 
from Congress. They believe that it is part of a set plan for perpetua- 
ting the existence of the political party now iu the ascendant, and that 
the question of suffrage, readjustment of representation, and taxation, 
are excuses for still longer delay. Thus, regardless of the great inter- 
ests, not only of the suffering South, but of the whole country, bur- 
dened with d.ibt and laboring under severe embarrassment, I found 
the prevailing o[)inion among the most intelligent citizens, as well as 
amuutr th"->ti most unxi'>us for an early restoration of the Union, to 
be,- that it representation and an e(]_uai and just co-operation m the 



64 



1 



administration of Federal affairs -were much longer withheld from the 
Southern States, a feeling of indifference would spring up toward 
taking any part in filling Federal offices, and more particularly 
toward refilling their seats in Congress ; that the people, in fact, Avould 
stay away from the polls, and allow the elections to go by default, to 
the great detriment of the country at large. This feeling of indiffer- 
ence, indeed, is already manifesting itself^ and is rapidly increasing, 
so much so that were it not for a few persons in each Southern State 
who have found it necessary for their existence to Ifve upon and hold 
office, and whose haunts and occupations have hitherto been at the 
Federal Capital, I do* not believe that any clamor for representation 
would be heard. 

What is needed to restore harmony and pro.'sperity to the euti''« 
country, both North and South, is closer and better acquaintance w'.,^ 
each other. I have been astonished to notice how little people, even 
whose social relations are all Southern, know of the true state of feel- 
ing in that^(|tion of the countr3^ We need greater political, social, 
and comm'eriial freedom, more frequent intercourse, and a kinder 
appreciatiorf*of each other's peculiarities. The advantages to the 
country in its present financial stress of a reunion of heart and senti-. 
ment would be beyond enumeration. The broad lands of the fertile 
South are now lying almost in waste for want of means and capital to 
cultivate them, when every acre of the beneficent soil might be a gold 
mine to its possessor, were the political relations of the people better 
understood and acted upon. 

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, 

GORDON GRANGER, 
Brevet Major General U. S. A. 



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